



'•- '^'^^ <6 












\/ -^fe^ %.^^ :^^k^ \./ A'- %.^ 




5> *C 




















i> « • • . «^-!>. i V , , . '♦^ ftV , • • , <*% 




:-. ^ aM"* .♦!( 







-^o 













'■^^^■^ oV'^^^a'- -^^^^ -m^.:. ^^^ ^\ 



rA(P 



"oV 









,0 




*' *^o j-i^" .♦i:,^'. ^'^ 




- ^>•^V.V '^J^m^^. '-n^O^ o* 






o V 











^u>«=>' 





















^^'^^^0-^ ^^,^^-\/ '^°^'^^"/ ^o,' 

o • » * 




/ / 



THE SPIRIT 
OF AMERICA 



THE SPIRIT 
OF AMERICA 

as shown by 
her great documents 




Old Colony Trust Company 

17 Court Street 
52 Temple Place 222 Boylston Street 

Boston, Massachusetts 






COPYiaGHT, 1920, 
BY OLD COLONY TRUST COMPANY 



Second Edition 



ced from 
')>ent Division 



M 94 it< 



THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, CAMBRIDGE, MASS. 



>K 



H 



FOREWORD 

ISTORY, as usually understood, concerns 
itself with material things, with events and 
dates. There is another and more vital His- 
tory, — that of the Mind and Soul of a people. 
Records of the collective mind of a nation write the 
History of its Spirit. The birth and development of 
the Spirit of America are clearly recorded in cer- 
tain public documents. These records, contained in 
broadly accepted public documents and in speeches 
of individual men, have been the outspeaking of a 
true national voice, — the expression of the collective 
Spirit of a people. Casting out from the huge mass 
of public documents such as are of transitory interest 
or simply new statements of already accepted prin- 
ciples, the list is not long. It will be well for our 
people if the same courage to search for and follow 
the Right is shown by the records in the next as it 
has been in the last three hundred years. 

Old Colony Trust Company 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

The Mayflower Compact 7 

Made November 21, 1620 

The New England Confederation 9 

Ratified May 29, 1643 

The Declaration of Independence 17 

Adopted July 4, 1776 

The Constitution of the United States ... 23 

Signed September 17, 1787 

Washington's Farewell Address 47 

Made September 19, 1796 

The Monroe Doctrine 66 

From President Monroe's Message to Congress, Decem- 
ber 2, 1823 

Webster's Second Reply to Hayne 70 

Delivered in the Senate January 26, 1830 

The Emancipation Proclamation of President 
Lincoln 8i 

Made January i, 1863 

The Gettysburg Address of President Lincoln 84 

Delivered November 19, 1863 

Recognition of the Independence of Cuba . . 85 

From President McKinley's Message to Congress, April 
II, 1898 

The Message of President Wilson to Congress 
Recommending War with Germany .... 87 

Delivered April 2, 191 7 

Flag-Day Proclamation .98 

Made by His Excellency Calvin Coolidge, Governor of 
Massachusetts, May 26, 19 19 



THE MAYFLOWER COMPACT 

[1620] 

This document was drawn up and signed on board the " May- 
flower " in Provincetown Harbor, Cape Cod, on November 21, 
1 620 ( new style ) . 

IN the name of God, Amen. We, whose names are 
underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sover- 
eigne Lord, King James, by the grace of God, of 
Great Britaine, France, and Ireland king, defender 
of the faith, etc., having undertaken, for the glory of 
God, and advancement of the Christian faith, and hon- 
our of our king and country, a voyage to plant the first 
colony in the Northerne parts of Virginia, doe, by these 
presents solemnly and mutually in the presence of God, 
and one of another, covenant and combine ourselves 
together into a civill body politick, for our better order- 
ing and preservation and furtherance of the ends afore- 
said; and by virtue hereof to enacte, constitute, and frame 
such just and equall laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, 
and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most 
meete and convenient for the generall good of the Col- 
onie unto which we promise all due submission and obedi- 
ence. In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed 
our names at Cap-Codd the 1 1. of November, in the year 
of the raigne of our sovereigne lord, King James, of Eng- 
land, France, and Ireland, the eighteenth, and of Scot- 
land the fiftie-fourth. Anno. Dom. 1620. 

John Carver Samuel Fuller Edward Tilly 

William Bradford Christopher Martin , John Tilly 

Edward Winslow William Mullins Francis Cook 

William Brewster William White Thomas Rogers 

Isaac Allerton Richard Warren Thomas Tinker 

Miles Standish John Howland John Ridgdale 

John Alden Steven Hopkins Edward Fuller 

John Turner Digery Priest Richard Clark 



Francis Eaton Thomas Williams Richard Gardiner 

James Chilton Gilbert Winslow John Allerton 

r L k^^^'^''" Edmond Margeson Thomas English 

John Billington Peter Brown Edward Doten 

Joses Fletcher Richard Bitteridge Edward Liester 

John (joodman George Soule 



THE NEW ENGLAND CONFEDERATION 

[1643] 

The plan of this Confederation appears to have originated in 
1637 with Connecticut, to strengthen that Colony against en- 
croachments from the Dutch, but it was not until 1643 that the 
articles were submitted to the Courts of the several colonies and 
were duly ratified by them. 

Articles of Confederation betweene y^ Planta- 
tions UNDER Y'^ GoVERMENTE OF MaSSACHUSETS, 

Y^ Plantations under y'^^ Govermente of New- 
Plimoth, y^' Plantations under y^ Govermente 

OF CONIGHTECUTE, AND Y^ GoVERMENTE OF NeW- 

Haven, with y^ Plantations in combination 
therwith. 

WHERAS we all came Into these parts of 
America with one and y® same end and aime, 
namly, to advance the kingdome of our Lord 
Jesus Christ, & to injoye y® liberties of y^ 
Gospell in puritie with peace; and wheras in our setling 
(by a wise providence of God) we are further disperced 
upon y® sea coasts and rivers then was at first intended, 
so y* we cannot, according to our desires, with conven- 
iencie comunicate in one govermente & jurisdiction; and 
wheras we live encompassed with people of severall na- 
tions and Strang languages, which hereafter may prove 
injurious to us and our posteritie; and for as much as y^ 
natives have formerly comitted sundrie insolencies and 
outrages upon severall plantations of y*^ English, and 
have of late combined them selves against us; and seeing, 
by reason of those distractions in England (which they 
have heard of) and by which they know we are hindered 
from y* humble way of seeking advice or reaping those 
comfurtable fruits of protection which at other times 



we might well expecte; we therfore doe conceive it our 
bounden duty, without delay, to enter into a presente con- 
sociation amongst our selves, for mutuall help & strength 
in all our future concernments. That as in nation and 
religion, so in other respects, we be & continue one, ac- 
cording to y^ tenor and true meaning of the insuing arti- 
cles. ( I ) Wherfore it is fully agreed and concluded by 
& betweene y*^ parties or jurisdictions above named, and 
they joyntly & severally doe by these presents agree & 
conclude, that they all be and henceforth be called by y® 
name of The United Colonies of New-England. 

2. The said United CoUonies, for them selves & their 
posterities, doe joyntly & severally hereby enter into a 
firme & perpetuall league of frendship & amitie, for of- 
fence and defence, mutuall advice and succore upon all just 
occasions, both for preserving & propagating y^ truth of 
y*" Gospell, and for their owne mutuall saftie and wellfare. 

3. It is further agreed that the plantations which at 
presente are or hereafter shall be setled with [in] y® 
limites of y® Massachusets shall be for ever under y® 
Massachusets, and shall have peculier jurisdiction amonge 
them selves in all cases, as an intire body. And y* Pli- 
moth, Conightecutt, and New-Haven shall each of them 
have like peculier jurisdition and govermente within their 
limites and in refference to y® plantations which allready 
are setled, or shall hereafter be erected, or shall setle 
within their limites, respectively; provided y* no other 
jurisdition shall hereafter be taken in, as a distincte head 
or member of this confederation, nor shall any other 
plantation or jurisdiction in presente being, and not all- 
ready in combination or under y*^ jurisdiction of any of 
these confederats, be received by any of them; nor shall 
any tow of y^ confederats joyne in one jurisdiction, with- 
out consente of y^ rest, which consente to be interpreted 
as is expressed in y^ sixte article ensewing. 

4. It is by these conffederats agreed, y*^ the charge of 
all just warrs, whether offencive or defencive, upon what 
parte or member of this confederation soever they fall, 

10 



shall, both in men, provissions, and all other disburse- 
ments, be borne by all y® parts of this confederation, in 
differente proportions, according to their differente abilli- 
ties, in maner following: namely, y* the comissioners 
for each jurisdiction, from time to time, as ther shall be 
occasion, bring a true accounte and number of all their 
males in every plantation, or any way belonging too or 
under their severall jurisdictions, of what qualitie or con- 
dition soever they be, from i6. years old to 60. being 
inhabitants ther; and y* according to y*^ differente num- 
bers which from time to time shall be found in each juris- 
diction upon a true & just accounte, the service of men 
and all charges of y® warr be borne by y® pole; each 
jurisdiction or plantation being left to their owne just 
course & custome of rating them selves and people ac- 
' cording to their differente estates, with due respects to 
their qualities and exemptions amongst them selves, 
though the confederats take no notice of any such privi- 
ledg. And y* according to their differente charge of 
each jurisdiction & plantation, the whole advantage of 
y® warr, (if It please God to blesse their Indeaours, ) 
whether it be in lands, goods, or persons, shall be pro- 
portionately devided amonge y*^ said confederats. 

5. It is further agreed, that If these jurisdictions, or 
any plantation under or In combynaclon with them, be 
Invaded by any enemie whomsoever, upon notice & re- 
queste of any 3. magistrats of y* jurisdiction so Invaded, 
y® rest of y*^ confederats, without any further meeting or 
expostulation, shall forthwith send ayde to y*^ confeder- 
ate in danger, but In differente proportion; namely, y® 
Massachusets an hundred men sufficently armed & pro- 
vided for such a service and journey, and each of y* rest 
forty five so armed and provided, or any lesser number, 
If less be required according to this proportion. But if 
such confederate in danger may be supplyed by their 
nexte confederates, notexeeding y*' number hereby agreed, 
they may crave help ther, and seeke no further for y® 
presente; y® charge to be borne as In this article is 

II 



exprest, and at y® returne to be victuled & suplyed with 
powder & shote for their jurney (if ther be need) by 
y* jurisdiction which imployed or sent for them. But 
none of y^ jurisdictions to exceede these numbers till, by 
a meeting of y^ comissioners for this confederation, a 
greater aide appear nessessarie. And this proportion to 
continue till upon knowledge of greater numbers in each 
jurisdiction, which shall be brought to y® nexte meeting, 
some other proportion be ordered. But in such case of 
sending men for presente aide, whether before or after 
such order or alteration, it is agreed y* at y^ meeting of 
y^ comissioners for this confederation, the cause of such 
warr or invasion be duly considered; and if it appeare y* 
the falte lay in y^ parties so invaded, y* then that juris- 
diction or plantation make just satisfaction both to y* in- 
vaders whom they have injured, and beare all y® charges 
of y*^ warr them selves, without requiring any allowance 
from y^ rest of y*^ confederats towards y*^ same. And fur- 
ther, y* if any jurisdiction see any danger of any inva- 
sion approaching, and ther be time for a meeting, that 
in such a case 3. magistrats of y* jurisdiction may sumone 
a meeting, at such conveniente place as them selves shall 
thinke meete, to consider & provid against y® threatened 
danger, provided when they are mett, they may remove 
to what place they please; only, whilst any of these foure 
confederats have but 3 magistrats in their jurisdiction, 
their requeste, or summons, from any 2. of them shall be 
accounted of equall force with y^ 3. mentioned in both 
the clauses of this article, till ther be an increase of 
majestrats ther, 

6. It is also agreed y*, for y^ managing & concluding 
of all affairs propper, & concerning the whole confedera- 
tion, tow comissioners shall be chosen by & out of each 
of these 4. jurisdictions; namly, 2. for y^ Massachusets, 
2. for Plimoth, 2. for Conightecutt, and 2. for New- 
Haven, being all in church fellowship with us, which shall 
bring full power from their severall Generall Courts 
respectively to hear, examene, waigh, and detirmine all 

12 



affairs of warr, or peace, leagues, aids, charges, and num- 
bers of men for warr, divisions of spoyles, & whatsoever 
Is gotten by conquest; receiving of more confederats, or 
plantations into combination with any of y*^ confederates, 
and all things of like nature, which are y^ proper con- 
comitants or consequences of such a confederation, for 
amitie, offence, & defence; not intermedling with y^ gov- 
ermente of any of y^ jurisdictions, which by y® 3. article 
is preserved entirely to them selves. But if these 8. 
comissioners when they meete shall not all agree, yet it 
concluded that any 6. of the 8. agreeing shall have power 
to setle & determine y*^ bussines in question. But if 6. 
doe not agree, that then such propositions, with their 
reasons, so farr as they have been debated, be sente, and 
referred to y^ 4. Generall Courts, viz. y® Massachusets, 
Plimoth, Conightecutt, and New-haven; and if at all y® 
said Generall Courts y^ bussines so referred be concluded, 
then to be prosecuted by y® confederats, and all their 
members. It was further agreed that these 8. comis- 
sioners shall meete once every year, besids extraordinarie 
meetings, (according to the fifte article,) to consider, 
treate, & conclude of all affaires belonging to this con- 
federation, which meeting shall ever be y® first Thursday 
in September. And y* the next meeting after the date of 
these presents, which shall be accounted y® second meet- 
ing, shall be at Boston in y® Massachusets, the 3, at Hart- 
ford, the 4. at New-Haven, the 5. at Plimoth, and so in 
course successively, if in y*^ meane time some midle place 
be not found out and agreed on, which may be comodious 
for all y*' jurisdictions. 

7. It is further agreed, y* at each meeting of these 8. 
comissioners, whether ordinarie, or extraordinary, they 
all 6. of them agreeing as before, may chuse a presidente 
out of them selves, whose office & work shall be to take 
care and directe for order, and a comly carrying on of 
all proceedings in y^ present meeting; but he shall be in- 
vested with no such power or respecte, as by which he 
shall hinder y^ propounding or progrese of any business, 

13 



or any may cast y^ scailes otherwise then in y*" precedente 
article is agreed. 

8. It is also agreed, y* the comissioners for this con- 
federation hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary 
or extraordinarie, as they may have comission or oppor- 
tunitie, doe indeaover to frame and establish agreements 
& orders in general! cases of a civill nature, wherin all 
y*^ plantations are interessed, for y*" preserving of peace 
amongst them selves, and preventing as much as may be 
all occasions of warr or difference with others; as aboute 
y*' free & speedy passage of justice, in every jurisdiction, 
to all y® confederats equally as to their owne; not receiv- 
ing those y* remove from one plantation to another with- 
out due certificate; how all y® jurisdictions may carry 
towards y® Indeans, that they neither growe insolente, nor 
be injured without due satisfaction, least warr breake in 
upon the confederats through such miscarriages. It is 
also agreed, y*^ if any servante rune away from his maister 
into another of these confederated jurisdictions, that in 
such case, upon y*^ certificate of one magistrate in y^ juris- 
diction out of which y^ said servante fledd, or upon other 
due proofe, the said servante shall be delivered, either to 
his maister, or any other y* pursues & brings such certifi- 
cate or proofs. And y* upon y^ escape of any prisoner 
whatsoever, or fugitive for any criminall cause, whether 
breaking prison, or getting from y*^ ofl^cer, or otherwise 
escaping, upon y^ certificate of 2. magistrats of y*^ juris- 
diction out of which y* escape is made, that he was a 
prisoner, or such an offender at y^ time of y*" escape, thev 
magistrats, or sume of them of y* jurisdiction wher for 
y^ presente the said prisoner or fugitive abideth, shall 
forthwith grante such a warrante as y*^ case will beare, 
for y® apprehending of any such person, & y^ delivering 
of him into y® hands of y^ officer, or other person who 
pursues him. And if ther be help required, for y*^ safe 
returning of any such offender, then it shall be granted 
to him y* craves y® same, he paying the charges thereof. 

9. And for y* the justest warrs may be of dangerous 

14 



consequence, espetially to y® smaler plantations in these 
United Colonies, it is agreed y* neither y'^ Massachusets, 
Plimoth, Conightecutt, nor New-Haven, nor any member 
of any of them, shall at any time hear after begine, under- 
take, or ingage them selves or this confederation, or any 
parte thereof, in any warr whatsoever, (sudden* exe- 
gents, with y^ necessary consequents thereof excepted, 
which are also to be moderated as much as y^ case will 
permitte,) without y^ consente and agreemente of y® fore- 
mentioned 8. comissioners, or at y® least 6. of them, as 
in y*^ sixt article provided. And y* no charge be required 
of any of they confederats, in case of a defensive warr, 
till y*' said comissioners have mett, and approved y*^ justice 
of y*^ warr, and have agreed upon y*^ sume of money to 
be levied, which sume is then to be paid by the severall 
confederats in proportion according to y*^ fourth article. 

10. That in extraordinary occasions, when meetings 
are summoned by three magistrates of any jurisdiction, 
or 2. as in y^ 5. article, if any of y® comissioners come not, 
due warning being given or sente, it is agreed y* 4. of the 
comissioners shall have power to directe a warr which 
cannot be delayed, and to send for due proportions of 
men out of each jurisdiction, as well as 6. might doe if 
all mett; but not less than 6. shall determine the justice 
of y^ warr, or alow y*^ demands or bills of charges, or 
cause any levies to be made for y® same. 

11. It is further agreed, y* if any of y^ confederats 
shall hereafter breake any of these presente articles, or 
be any other ways injurious to any one of y*^ other juris- 
dictions, such breach of agreemente or injurie shall be 
duly considered and ordered by y'^ comissioners for y^ 
other jurisdiction; that both peace and this presente con- 
federation may be intirly preserved without violation. 

12. Lastly, this perpetuall confederation, and y^ sev- 
erall articles thereof being read, and seriously considered, 
both by y^ Generall Courte for y^ Massachusets, and by 
y^ comissioners for Plimoth, Conigtecute, & New-Haven, 

* Substituted for sundry on the authority of the original MS. records. 

15 



were fully alowed & confirmed by 3. of y*' forenamed 
confederats, namly, y*^ Massachusets, Conightecutt, and 
New-Haven; only y*^ comissioners for Plimoth haveing no 
comisslon to conclude, desired respite till they might ad- 
vise with their Generall Courte; wher upon it was agreed 
and concluded by y*^ said Courte of y*^ Massachusets, and 
the comissioners for y® other tow confederats, that, if 
Plimoth consente, then the whole treaty as it stands in 
these present articls is, and shall continue, firme & stable 
without alteration. But if Plimoth come not in, yet y® 
other three confederats doe by these presents confeirme 
y® whole confederation, and y® articles therof; only in 
September nexte, when y^ second meeting of y^ comis- 
sioners Is to be at Boston, new consideration may be 
taken of y® 6. article, which concerns number of comis- 
sioners for meeting & concluding the affaires of this con- 
federation, to y^ satisfaction of y^ Courte of y*" Massa- 
chusets, and y® comissioners for y*^ other 2. confederats, 
but y^ rest to stand unquestioned. In y^ testimonie wherof, 
y^ Generall Courte of y^ Massachusets, by ther Secretary, 
and y^ comissioners for Conightecutt and New-Haven, 
have subscribed these presente articles this 19. of y^ third 
month, comonly called May, Anno Dom: 1643. 

At a meeting of y® comissioners for y® confederation 
held at Boston y^ 7, of Sept: it appearing that the Gen- 
erall Courte of New-Pllmoth, and y^ severall towneshlpes 
therof, have read & considered & approved these articles 
of confederation, as appeareth by comisslon from their 
Generall Courte bearing date y*" 29. of August, 1643, to 
M"". Edward Winslow and M'". William Collier, to ratifie 
and confirme y® same on their behalfes. We, therfore, 
y*^ Comissioners for y® Massachusets, Conightecutt, & 
New Haven, doe also, for our severall governments, sub- 
scribe unto them. 

John Winthrop, Gov"", of y® Massachusets. 
Tho: Dudley. Theoph: Eaton. 

Geo: Fenwick. Edwa: Hopkins. 

Thomas Gregson. 

16 



THE 
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 

[1776] 

The Declaration of Independence was adopted unanimously on 
July 4, 1776, in the third session of the Second Continental Con- 
gress. A resolution declaring the United Colonies free and inde- 
pendent states was proposed by Richard Henry Lee of Virginia, 
and was seconded by John Adams of Massachusetts. The com- 
mittee which drew up the Declaration itself consisted of Thomas 
JeliFerson, John Adams, Roger Sherman, and Robert Livingstone. 

WHEN in the course of human events, it be- 
comes necessary for one people to dissolve 
the political bands which have connected them 
with another, and to assume among the 
Powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to 
which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle 
them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind re- 
quires that they should declare the causes which impel 
them to the separation. , 

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men 
are created equal, that they are endowed by their Cre- 
ator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these 
are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness. That 
to secure these rights. Governments are instituted among 
Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the 
governed. That whenever any Form of Government be- 
comes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the 
People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Gov- 
ernment, laying its foundation on such principles and or- 
ganizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem 
most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Pru- 
dence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long estab- 
lished should not be changed for light and transient 

17 



causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown, that 
mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are 
sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the 
forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long 
train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the 
same Object, evinces a design to reduce them under abso- 
lute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw 
off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their 
future security. — Such has been the patient sufferance of 
these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which con- 
strains them to alter their former Systems of Govern- 
ment. The history of the present King of Great Britain 
is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all 
having in direct object the establishment of an absolute 
Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be 
submitted to a candid world. 

He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most whole- 
some and necessary for the public good. 

He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of im- 
mediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in 
their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and 
when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to 
them. 

He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommo- 
dation of large districts of people, unless those people 
would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legis- 
lature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to 
tyrants only. 

He has called together legislative bodies at places 
unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository 
of their Public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing 
them into compliance with his measures. 

He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, 
for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the 
rights of the people. 

He has refused for a long time, after such dissolu- 
tions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legisla- 
tive Powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to 



the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining 
in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion 
from without, and convulsions within. 

He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these 
States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws of Natural- 
ization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encour- 
age their migration hither, and raising the conditions of 
new Appropriations of Lands. 

He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by 
refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary 
Powers. 

He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for 
the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment 
of their salaries. 

He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent 
hither swarms of Officers to harass our People, and eat 
out their substance. 

He has kept among us, in times of Peace, Standing 
Armies without the Consent of our legislature. 

He has affected to render the Military independent of 
and superior to the Civil Power. 

He has combined with others to subject us to a juris- 
diction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged 
by our laws; giving his Assent to their acts of pretended 
legislation: 

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among 
us: 

For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from Punish- 
ment for any Murders which they should commit on the 
Inhabitants of these States: 

For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world: 

For imposing taxes on us without our Consent: 

For depriving us ill many cases, of the benefits of Trial 
by Jury: 

For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pre- 
tended offences: 

For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a 
neighboring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary 

19 



government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render 
it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing 
the same absolute rule into these Colonies: 

For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most 
valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of 
our Governments : 

For suspending our own Legislature, and declaring 
themselves invested with Power to legislate for us in all 
cases whatsoever. 

He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us 
out of his Protection and waging War against us. 

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt 
our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. 

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign 
mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation 
and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cru- 
elty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous 
ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized 
nation. 

He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive 
on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to 
become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, 
or to fall themselves by their Hands. 

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and 
has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our fron- 
tiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of 
warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, 
sexes and conditions. 

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Peti- 
tioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our re- 
peated Petitions have been answered only by repeated 
injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by 
every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the 
ruler of a free People. 

Nor have We been wanting in attention to our British 
brethren. We have warned them from time to time of 
attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable 
jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the 

20 



circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We 
have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, 
and we have conjured them by the ties of our common 
kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would in- 
evitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. 
They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of 
consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the ne- 
cessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, 
as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace 
Friends. 

We, therefore, the Representatives of the United 
States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, ap- 
pealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the recti- 
tude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority 
of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish 
and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of 
Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that 
they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British 
Crown, and that all political connection between them 
and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally 
dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they 
have full power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract 
Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts 
and Things which Independent States may of right do. 
And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reli- 
ance on the Protection of Divine Providence, we mutually 
pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our 
Sacred Honor. 

John Hancock. 

NEW HAMPSHIRE 
JOSIAH BARTLETT MATTHEW THORNTON 

WM. WHIPPLE 

MASSACHUSETTS BAY 
SAML. ADAMS ELBRIDGE GERRY 

JOHN ADAMS ROBT. TREAT PAINE 

RHODE ISLAND 
STEP. HOPKINS WILLIAM ELLERY 

21 



CONNECTICUT 
ROGER SHERMAN VVM. WILLIAMS 

SAM'EL HUNTINGTON OLIVER WOLCOTT 

NEW YORK 

FRANS. LEWIS 
LEWIS MORRIS 
NEW JERSEY 

JOHN HART 
ABRA. CLARK 



WM. FLOYD 

PHIL. LIVINGSTON 



RICHD. STOCKTON' 
JNO. WITHERSPOON 
FRAS. HOPKINSON 



ROBERT MORRIS 
BENJAMIN RUSH 
BENJA. FRANKLIN 
JOHN MORTON 
GEO. CLYMER 

CAESAR RODNEY 
GEO. READ 

SAMUEL CHASE 
WM. PACA 



PENNSYLVANIA 

JAS. SMITH 
GEO. TAYLOR 
JAMES WILSON 
GEO. ROSS 

DELAWARE 

THOS. m'kEAN 

MARYLAND 

thos. stone 
charles carroll of 
carrollton 
■ VIRGINIA 
GEORGE WYTHE THOS. NELSON, JR. 

RICHA'RD HENRY LEE FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE 

TH. JEFFERSON CARTER BRAXTON 

BENJA. HARRISON 

NORTH CAROLINA 
WM. HOOPER JOHN PENN 

JOSEPH HEWES 

SOUTH CAROLINA 
EDWARD RUTLEDGE ARTHUR MIDDLETON 

THOS. HEYWARD, JUNR. THOMAS LYNCH, JUNR. 

GEORGIA 
BUTTON GWINNETT GEO. WALTON 

LYMAN HALL 



22 



THE CONSTITUTION OF THE 
UNITED STATES 

[1787] 

This document was drawn up by delegates from the various 
States who met in Philadelphia May 25, 1787. It was com- 
pleted September 28, 1787, and referred to each of the thirteen 
States for ratification. By June 21, 1789, it was accepted by nine 
States, and in consequence a new federal government was estab- 
lished the same year in New York. 

The dates of the amendments are: I-X, 1791 ; XI, 1798; XII, 
1804; XIII, 1865; XIV, 1868; XV, 1870; XVI, 1913; XVII, 
1913; XVIII, 1919. 

WE THE PEOPLE* of the United States, in 
Order to form a more perfect Union, estab- 
lish Justice, insure domestic Tranquillity, pro- 
vide for the common defence, promote the 
general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to 
ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this 
Constitution for the United States of America. 



ARTICLE I 

Section i 

- All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested 
in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of 
a Senate and House of Representatives. 

Section 2 

* 

I. The House of Representatives shall be composed 
of Members chosen every second Year by the People of 

* In the original the clauses are not numbered, nor is there any title to 
the docunaent. It begins, "We the People." 

23 



the several States, and the Electors in each State shall 
have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most 
numerous Branch of the State Legislature. 

2. No Person shall be a Representative who shall not 
have attained to the Age of twenty-five Years, and been 
seven Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall 
not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which 
he shall be chosen. 

3. Representatives and direct Taxes shall be appor- 
tioned among the several States which may be Included 
within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, 
which shall be determined by adding to the whole Num- 
ber of free Persons, Including those bound to Service for 
a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three 
fifths of all other Persons. The actual Enumeration shall 
be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the 
Congress of the United States, and within every subse- 
quent Term of ten Years, In such Manner as they shall 
by Law direct. The Number of Representatives shall 
not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each State 
shall have at Least one Representative; and until such 
enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire 
shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, 
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecti- 
cut five. New York six. New Jersey four, Pennsylvania 
eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten. North 
Carolina five. South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 

4. When vacancies happen In the Representation from 
any State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue 
Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies. 

5. The House of Representatives shall choose their 
Speaker and other Officers; and shall have the sole Power 
of Impeachment. 

Section 3 

I. The Senate of the United States shall be com- 
posed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the 

24 



Legislature thereof, for six Years; and each Senator shall 
have one Vote. 

2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in Con- 
sequence of the first Election, they shall be divided as 
equally as may be into three Classes. The Seats of the 
Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at the Expira- 
tion of the second Year, of the second Class at the Ex- 
piration of the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the 
Expiration of the sixth Year, so that one third may be 
chosen every second Year; and if Vacancies happen by 
Resignation, or otherwise, during the Recess of the Leg- 
islature of any State, the Executive thereof may make 
temporary Appointments until the next Meeting of the 
Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies. 

3. No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have 
attained to the Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years 
a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when 
elected, be an Inhabitant of that State for which he shall 
be chosen. 

4. The Vice President of the United States shall be 
President of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless 
they be equally divided. 

5. The Senate shall choose their other Officers, and also 
a President pro tempore in the Absence of the Vice Presi- 
dent, or when he shall exercise the Oflice of President of 
the United States. 

6. The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Im- 
peachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall 
be on Oath or Afiirmation. When the President of the 
United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: 
And no Person shall be convicted without the Concur- 
rence of two thirds of the Members present. 

7. Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend 
further than to removal from Office, and disqualification 
to hold and enjoy any Office of honor. Trust, or Profit 
under the United States : but the Party convicted shall, 
nevertheless, be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, 
Judgment and Punishment, according to Law. 

25 



Section 4 

I* The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elec- 
tions for Senators and Representatives, shall be pre- 
scribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the 
Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such 
Regulations, except as to the Places of choosing Senators. 

2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every 
Year, and such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in 
December, unless they shall by Law appoint a different 
Day. 

Section 5 

1. Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, 
Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a 
Majority of each shall constitute a Quorum to do Busi- 
ness; but a smaller Number may adjourn from day to 
day, and may be authorized to compel the Attendance of 
absent Members, in such Manner, and under such Penal- 
ties as each House may provide. 

2. Each House may determine the Rules of its Pro- 
ceedings, punish its Members for disorderly Behavior, 
and, with the Concurrence of two thirds, expel a Member. 

3. Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, 
and from time to time publish the same, excepting such 
Parts as may In their Judgment require Secrecy; and the 
Yeas and Nays of the Members of either House on any 
question shall, at the Desire of one fifth of those Present, 
be entered on the Journal. 

4. Neither House, during the Session of Congress, 
shall, without the Consent of the other, adjourn for more 
than three days, nor to any other Place than that in which 
the two Houses shall be sitting. 

Section 6 

I. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a 
Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by 
Law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. 

26 



They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and 
Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during 
their Attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, 
and in going to and returning from the same; and for 
any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be 
questioned in any other Place. 

2. No. Senator or Representative shall, during the 
Time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil 
Office under the Authority of the United States, which 
shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof shall 
have been increased during such time; and no Person 
holding any Office under the United States, shall be a 
member of either House during his Continuance in Office. 

Section 7 

1. All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the 
House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose 
or concur with Amendments as on other Bills. 

2. Every Bill which shall have passed the House of 
Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become 
a Law, be presented to the President of the United States; 
If he approv^e he shall sign it, but if not he shall return 
it, with his Objections, to that House in which it shall 
have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large 
on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after 
such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall 
agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the 
Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise 
be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that 
House, it shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the 
Votes of both Houses shall be determined by Yeas and 
Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and 
against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each 
House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by 
the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after 
It shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a 
Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the 

27 



Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in 
which Case it shall not be a Law. 

3. Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Con- 
currence of the Senate and House of Representatives 
may be necessary (except on a question of Adjournment) 
shall be presented to the President of the United States; 
and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved 
by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed 
by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed 
in the Case of a Bill. 

Section 8 

1. The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect 
Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and 
provide for the common Defence and general Welfare 
of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Ex- 
cises shall be uniform throughout the United States; 

2. To borrow Money on the credit of the United 
States; 

3. To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and 
among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes; 

4. To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, 
and uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies 
throughout the United States; 

5. To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and 
of foreign Coin, and to fix the Standard of Weights and 
Measures; 

6. To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting 
the Securities and current Coin of the United States; 

7. To establish Post Offices and post Roads; 

8. To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, 
by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors 
the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and 
Discoveries; 

9. To constitute Tribunals inferior to the Supreme 
Court; 

10. To define and punish Piracies and Felonies 

28 



committed on the high Seas, and Offences against the 
Law of Nations; 

11. To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and 
Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land 
and Water; 

12. To raise and support Armies, but no Appropria- 
tion of Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term 
than two Years; 

13. To provide and maintain a Navy; 

14. To make Rules for the Government and Regula- 
tion of the land and naval Forces; 

15. To provide for calling forth the Militia to exe- 
cute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and 
repel Invasions; 

16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disci- 
plining the Militia, and for governing such Part of them 
as may be employed in the Service of the United States, 
reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of 
the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia 
according to the discipline prescribed by Congress; 

17. To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases what- 
soever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles 
square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the 
Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Govern- 
ment of the United States, and to exercise like Authority 
over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legis- 
lature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the 
Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, 
and other needful Buildings; — And 

18. To make all Laws which shall be necessary and 
proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, 
and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the 
Government of the United States, or in any Department 
or Officer thereof. 

Section 9 

I. The Migration or Importation of such Persons as 
any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, 

29 



shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year 
one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a Tax or 
Duty may be imposed on such Importation, not exceeding 
ten dollars for each Person. 

2. The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall 
not be suspended unless when in Cases of Rebellion or 
Invasion the public Safety may require it. 

3. No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be 
passed. 

4. No Capitation or other direct Tax shall be laid, un- 
less in Proportion to the Census or Enumeration herein 
before directed to be taken. 

5. No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported 
from any State. 

6. No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of 
Commerce or Revenue to the Ports of one State over 
those of another: nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, 
one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in 
another. 

7. No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but 
in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law; and a 
regular Statement and Account of the Receipts and Ex- 
penditures' of all public Money shall be published from 
time to time. 

8. No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United 
States: And no Person holding any Office of Profit or 
Trust under them, shall, without the Consent of the Con- 
gress, accept of any present. Emolument, Office, or Title, 
of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign 
State. 

Section 10 

I. No State shall enter Into any Treaty, Alliance, or 
Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; 
coin Money; emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but 
gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts; pass 
any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impair- 
ing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of 
Nobility. 

30 



2. No State shall, without the Consent of the Con- 
gress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, 
except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its 
inspection Laws; and the net Produce of all Duties and 
Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall 
be for the Use of the Treasury of the United States; and 
all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and Con- 
troul of the Congress. 

3. No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, 
lay any Duty of Tonnage, keep Troops or Ships of War, 
in time of Peace, enter into any Agreement or Compact 
with another State, or with a foreign Power, or Engage 
in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent 
Danger as will not admit of delay. 



ARTICLE II 
Section i 

1. The Executive Power shall be vested in a President 
of the United States of America. He shall hold his office 
during the Term of four Years, and, together with the 
Vice President, chosen for the same Term, be elected as 
follows : 

2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the 
Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, 
equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representa- 
tives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress : 
but no Senator or Representative, or Person holding an 
Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be 
appointed an Elector. 

*The electors shall meet in their respective States, 
and vote by Ballot for two Persons, of whom one at least 
shall not be an Inhabitant of the same State with them- 
selves. And they shall make a List of all the Persons 
voted for, and of the Number of Votes for each; which 
List they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the 

* See Amendment XII. 
31 



Seat of Government of the United States, directed to 
the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate 
shall, in the Presence of the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall 
then be counted. The Person having the greatest number 
of Votes shall be the President, if such Number be a 
Majority of the whole Number of Electors appointed; 
and if there be more than one who have such a Majority, 
and have an equal Number of Votes, then the House of 
Representatives shall immediately choose by Ballot one of 
them for President; and if no Person have a Majority, 
then from the five highest on the List the said House 
shall in like Manner choose the President. But in choosing 
the President, the Votes shall be taken by States, the Rep- 
resentation from each State having one Vote; A quorum 
for this Purpose shall consist of a Member or Members 
from two thirds of the States, and a Majority of all the 
States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, 
after the Choice of the President, the Person having the 
greatest Number of Votes of the Electors shall be the 
Vice President. But if there should remain two or more 
who have equal Votes, the Senate shall choose from them 
by Ballot the Vice President. 

3. The Congress may determine the Time of choosing 
the Electors, and the Day on which they shall give their 
Votes; which Day shall be the same throughout the 
United States. 

4. No Person except a natural-born Citizen, or a Citi- 
zen of the United States, at the time of the Adoption of 
this Constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of Presi- 
dent; neither shall any Person be eligible to that Office 
who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five 
Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the 
United States. 

5. In Case of the Removal of the President from 
Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to dis- 
charge the Powers and 'Duties of the said Office, the Same 
shall devolve on the Vice President, and the Congress 

32 



may by Law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, 
Resignation, or Inability both of the President and Vice 
President, declaring what Officer shall then act as Presi- 
dent, and such Officer shall act accordingly, until the Dis- 
ability be removed, or a President shall be elected. 

6. The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his 
Services, a Compensation, which shall neither be In- 
creased nor diminished during the Period for which he 
shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within 
that Period any other Emolument from the United 
States, or any of them. 

7, Before he enter on the Execution of his Office he 
shall take the following Oath or Affirmation: — "I do 
solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute 
the Office of President of the United States, and will, to 
the best of my Ability, preserve, protect, and defend the 
Constitution of the United States." 

Section 2 

1. The President shall be Commander In Chief of the 
Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia 
of the several States, when called into actual Service 
of the United States; he may require the Opinion, in 
writing, of the principal Officer in each of the Executive 
Departments, upon any Subject relating to the Duties of 
their respective Offices, and he shall have Power to grant 
Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United 
States, except In Cases of Impeachment. 

2. He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and 
Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two 
thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nomi- 
nate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the 
Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other Public Minis- 
ters and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all 
other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments 
are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be 
established by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest 
the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think 

33 



proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or 
in the Heads of Departments. 

3. The President shall have Power to fill up all Va- 
cancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, 
by granting Commissions which shall expire at the End 
of their next Session. 

Section 3 

He shall from time to time give to the Congress In- 
formation of the State of the Union, and rec6mmend to 
their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge nec- 
essary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary Occa- 
sions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in 
Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to the 
time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time 
as he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors 
and other public Ministers; he shall take Care that the 
Laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the 
Officers of the United States. 

Section 4 

The President, Vice President and all civil Officers 
of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Im- 
peachment for, and Conviction of. Treason, Bribery, or 
other high Crimes and Misdemeanors. 



ARTICLE III 

Section i 

The judicial Power of the United States shall be vested 
in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as 
the Congress may, from time to time, ordain and es- 
tablish. The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior 
Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behavior, 
and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services a 
Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their 
Continuance in Office. 

34 



Section 2 

1. The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in 
Law and Equity, arising under this Constitution, the 
Laws of the United States, and Treaties made, or which 
shall be made, under their Authority; — to all Cases 
affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Con- 
suls; — to all Cases of admiralty and maritime Jurisdic- 
tion; to Controversies to which the United States shall be 
a Party; — to Controversies between two or more States; 
— between a State and Citizens of another State; — be- 
tween Citizens of different States, — between Citizens of 
the same State claiming Lands under Grants of different 
States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof, and 
foreign States, Citizens, or Subjects. 

2. In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public 
Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall 
be a Party, the supreme Court shall have original Juris- 
diction, In all the other Cases before mentioned, the 
supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as 
to Law and I'act, with such Exceptions, and under such 
regulations as the Congress shall make. 

3. The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Im- 
peachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held 
in the State where the said Crimes shall have been com- 
mitted; but when not committed within any State, the 
Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress 
may by Law have directed. 

Section 3 

1. Treason against the United States, shall consist only 
in levying War against them, or in adhering to their 
Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort, No Person 
shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of 
two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in 
open Court. 

2. The Congress shall have Power to declare the Pun- 
ishment of Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall 

35 



work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture except during 
the Life of the Person attained. 



ARTICLE IV 

Section i 

Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to 
the public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of 
every other State. And the Congress may by general 
Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, Records, 
and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof. 

Section 2 

1. The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to 
all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several 
States. 

2. A Person charged in any State with Treason, Fel- 
ony, or other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be 
found in another State, shall on Demand of the executive 
Authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered 
up to be removed to the State having Jurisdiction of the 
Crime. 

3. No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, 
under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in 
Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be dis- 
charged from such Service or Labour, but shall be de- 
livered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service 
or Labour may be due. 

Section 3 

I. New States may be admitted by the Congress into 
this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected 
within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State 
be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts 
of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the 
States concerned as well as of the Congress. 

36 



2. The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and 
make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the 
Territory or other Property belonging to the United 
States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so con- 
strued as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or 
of any particular State. 

Section 4 

The United States shall guarantee to every State in 
this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall 
protect each of them against Invasion; and on Appli- 
cation of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when 
the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic 
Violence. 



ARTICLE V 

The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses 
shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this 
Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures 
of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Conven- 
tion for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, 
shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this 
Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three 
fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three 
fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Rati- 
fication may be proposed by the Congress; Provided that 
no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year One 
thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner 
affect the first and fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of 
the first Article; and that no State, without its Consent, 
shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate. 



ARTICLE VI 

I. All Debts contracted and Engagements entered Into, 
before the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as 

37 



valid against the United States under this Constitution, 
as under the Confederation. 

2. This Constitution, and the Laws of the United 
States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all 
Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Author- 
ity of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the 
Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound 
thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any 
State to the Contrary notwithstanding. 

3. The Senators and Representatives before men- 
tioned, and the Members of the several State Legisla- 
tures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the 
United States and of the several States, shall be bound 
by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but 
no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification 
to any Office or public Trust under the United States. 



ARTICLE VII 

The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, 
shall be sufficient for the Establishment of this Consti- 
tution between the States so ratifying the same. 

Done in Convention by the Unanimous 
* Consent of the States present the Seven- 

teenth Day of September in the Year of 
our Lord one thousand seven hundred and 
Eighty seven and of the Independence of 
the United States of America the Twelfth 
In Wityiess whereof We have hereunto 
subscribed our Names, 

* The word, "the," being interlined between the seventh and eighth Lines 
of the first Page, The Word "Thirty" being partly written on an Erazure 
in the fifteenth Line of the first Page, The Words " is tried " being interlined 
between the thirty second and thirty third Lines of the first Page and the 
Word "the" being interlined between the forty third and forty fourth Lines of 
the second Page. 

[Note by Department of State: The interlined and rewritten words 
mentioned in the above explanation are in this edition, printed in their proper 
places in the text.] 

38 



G®: WASHINGTON — Presidt. and Deputy from Virginia. 



New Hampshire: 

John Langdon 
Nicholas Gilman 

Massachusetts: 

Nathaniel Gorham 
Rufus King 

Connecticut: 

Wm. Saml. Johnson 
Roger Sherman 

New York: 

Alexander Hamilton 

New Jersey: 

Wil : Livingston 
David Brearley 
Wm. Patterson 
Jona : Dayton 

Pennsylvania: 

B. Franklin 
Thomas Mifflin 
Robt. Morris 
Geo. Clymer 
Thos. FItzsimons 
Jared Ingersoll 
James Wilson 
Gouv. Morris 



Delaware: 

Geo : Read 
Gunning Bedford jun 
John Dickinson 
Richard Bassett 
Jaco : Broom 

Maryland: 

James McHenry 

Dan of St. Thos. Jenifer 

Danl Carroll 

Virginia : 

John Blair — 
James Madison Jr. 

North Carolina: 

Wm: Blount 

RIchd. Dobbs Spalght 

Hu Williamson 

South Carolina: 

J. Rutledge 

Charles Cotesworth Pinckney 

Charles Pinckney 

Pierce Butler 

Georgia: 

William Few 
Abr. Baldwin 



Attest William Jackson Secretary. 



39 



AMENDMENTS 

[Articles in Addition to and Amendment of the Consti- 
tution of the United States of America, Proposed by Con- 
gress, and Ratified by the Legislatures of the several 
States, Pursuant to the Fifth Article of the Original 
Constitution.^ 



ARTICLE I 

Congress shall make no law respecting an establish- 
ment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; 
or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or 
the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to peti- 
tion the Government for a redress of grievances. 



ARTICLE II 

A well-regulated Militia, being necessary to the secur- 
ity of a free State, the right of the people to keep and 
bear Arms, shall not be infringed. 



ARTICLE III 

No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any 
house, without the consent of the Owner, nor in time 
of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. 



ARTICLE IV 

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, 
houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches 
and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall 
issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or 
affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be 
searched, and the persons or things to be seized. 

40 



ARTICLE V 

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or 
otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or in- 
dictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the 
land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual 
service in time of War or in public danger; nor shall any 
person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in 
jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any 
Criminal Case to be a witness against himself, nor be de- 
prived of life, liberty, or property, without due process 
of law; nor shall private property be taken for public 
use, without just compensation. 



ARTICLE VI 

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the 
right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of 
the State and district wherein the crime shall have been 
committed, which district shall have been previously as- 
certained by law, and to be informed of the nature and 
cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the wit- 
nesses against him; to have compulsory process for ob- 
taining Witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance 
of Counsel for his defence. 



ARTICLE VII 

In suits at common law, where the value in controversy 
shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury 
shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall 
be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United 
States, than according to the rules of the common law. 



ARTICLE VIII 

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines 
imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 

41 



ARTICLE IX 

The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, 
shall not be construed to deny or disparage others re- 
tained by the people. 



ARTICLE X 

The powers not delegated to the United States by the 
Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are re- 
served to the States respectively, or to the people. 



ARTICLE XI 

The Judicial power of the United States shall not be 
construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, com- 
menced or prosecuted against one of the United States 
by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects 
of any Foreign State. 



ARTICLE XII 

The Electors shall meet in their respective states, and 
vote by ballot for President and Vice President, one of 
whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state 
with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the per- 
son voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the 
person voted for as Vice President, and they shall make 
distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of 
all persons voted for as Vice President, and of the num- 
ber of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and cer- 
tify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of 
the United States, directed to the President of the Sen- 
ate; — the President of the Senate shall, in presence of 
the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the 
certificates and the votes shall then be counted; — The 
person having the greatest number of votes for President, 
shall be the President, if such number be a majority of 

42 



the whole number of Electors appointed; and If no per- 
son have such majority, then from the persons having the 
highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those 
voted for as President, the House of Representatives 
shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But 
in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by 
states, the representation from each state having one 
vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member 
or members from two thirds of the states, and a majority 
of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the 
House of Representatives shall not choose a President 
whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, be- 
fore the fourth day of March next following, then the 
Vice President shall act as President, as in the case of the 
death or other constitutional disability of the President. 
The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice 
President, shall be the Vice President, if such number be 
a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed, 
and if no person have a majority, then from the two 
highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the 
Vice President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of 
two thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a ma- 
jority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. 
But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of 
President shall be eligible to that of Vice President of 
the United States. 



ARTICLE XIII 

Section i 

Neither slavery nor Involuntary servitude, except as a 
punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been 
duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or 
any place subject to their jurisdiction. 

Section 2 

Congress shall have power to enforce this article by 
appropriate legislation. 

43 



ARTICLE XIV 

Section i 

All persons born or naturalized in the United States, 
and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the 
United States and of the State wherein they reside. No 
State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge 
the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United 
States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, lib- 
erty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny 
to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection 
of the laws. 

Section 2 

Representatives shall be apportioned among the sev- 
eral States according to their respective numbers, count- 
ing the whole number of persons, in each State, excluding 
Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any 
election for the choice of electors for President and Vice 
President of the United States, Representatives in Con- 
gress, the Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the 
members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of 
the male inhabitants of such States, being twenty-one years 
of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way 
abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other 
crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced 
in the proportion which the number of such male citizens 
shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty- 
one years of age in such State. 

Section 3 

No person shall be a Senator or Representative in 
Congress, or elector of President and Vice President, or 
hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, 
or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, 
as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United 
States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an 
executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the 

44 



Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in 
insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid 
or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may 
by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such 
disability. 

Section 4 

The validity of the public debt of the United States, 
authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment 
of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing in- 
surrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But 
neither the United States nor any State shall assume or 
pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection 
or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for 
the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, 
obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void. 

Section 5 

The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appro- 
priate legislation, the provisions of this article. 



ARTICLE XV 

Section i 

The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall 
not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any 
State on account of race, color, or previous condition of 
servitude. 

Section 2 

The Congress shall have power to enforce this article 
by appropriate legislation. 



ARTICLE XVI 

The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes 
on incomes, from whatever source derived, without ap- 
portionment among the several States and without regard 
to any census or enumeration. 

45 



ARTICLE XVII 

Section i 

The Senate of the United States shall be composed of 
two Senators from each State, elected by the people 
thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one 
vote. The electors in each State shall have the qualifi- 
cations requisite for electors of the most numerous branch 
of the State legislatures. 

Section 2 

When vacancies happen in the representation of any 
State in the Senate, the executive authority of such State 
shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies: Pro- 
vided, That the legislature of any state may empower the 
executive thereof to make temporary appointments until 
the people fill the vacancies by election as the legislature 
may direct. 

Section 3 

This amendment shall not be construed as to affect the 
election or term of any Senator chosen before it becomes 
valid as part of the Constitution. 



ARTICLE XVIII 

Section i 

After one year from the ratification of this article 
the manufacture, sale, or transportation of intoxicating 
liquors within, the importation thereof into, or the ex- 
portation thereof from the United States and all territory 
subject to the jurisdiction thereof for beverage purposes 
is hereby prohibited. 

Section 2 

The Congress and the several States shall have con- 
current power to enforce this article by appropriate 
legislation. 

46 



WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS 

[1796] 

Washington was the first President of the United States and 
was re-elected for a second term. Six months before the second 
term closed, he refused to be a candidate for a third term, and 

issued a farewell address, September 19, 1796. 

Friends and Fellow Citizens: 

THE period for a new election of a citizen, to ad- 
minister the executive government of the United 
States, being not far distant, and the time actu- 
ally arrived when your thoughts must be em- 
ployed in designating the person who is to be clothed with 
that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially 
as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the 
public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolu- 
tion I have formed, to decline being considered among 
the number of those out of whom a choice is to be 
made. 

I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be 
assured, that this resolution has not been taken without a 
strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the 
relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and 
that, in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence 
in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminu- 
tion of zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of 
grateful respect for your past kindness; but am sup- 
ported by a full conviction that the step is compatible 
with both. 

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the 
office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have 
been a uniform sacrifice of Inclination to the opinion of 
duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your 
desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much 

47 



earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I 
was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retire- 
ment from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The 
strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last 
election, had even led to the preparation of an address 
to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then per- 
plexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign 
nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to 
my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. 

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as 
well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of incli- 
nation incompatible with the sentiment of duty or pro- 
priety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be 
retained for my services, that, in the present circum- 
stances of our country, you will not disapprove my deter- 
mination to retire. 

The impressions with which I first undertook the ardu- 
ous trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the 
discharge of this trust I will only say that I have with 
good intentions contributed toward the organization and 
administration of the government the best exertions of 
which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not uncon- 
scious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, 
experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes 
of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of 
myself; and every day the increasing weight of years ad- 
monishes me more and more that the shade of retirement 
is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that, 
if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my serv- 
ices, they were temporary, I have the consolation to 
believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit 
the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. 

In looking forward to the moment which is intended 
to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do 
not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of 
that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country 
for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more 
for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported 

48 



me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of 
manifesting my inviolable attachment by services faith- 
ful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my 
zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these 
services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and 
as an instructive example in our annals, that under cir- 
cumstances in which the passions, agitated in every 
direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances 
sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discour- 
aging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of 
success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the con- 
stancy of your support was the essential prop of the 
efforts, and a guaranty of the plans by which they were 
effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall 
carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to 
unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the 
choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and 
brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free consti- 
tution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly 
maintained; that its administration in every department 
may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, 
the happiness of the people of these States, under the 
auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful 
a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as 
will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the 
applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation 
which is yet a stranger to it. 

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for 
your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the 
apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge 
me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your 
solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your fre- 
quent review, some sentiments, which are the result of 
much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and 
which appear to me all-important to the permanency of 
your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you 
with the more freedom, as you can only see in them 
the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can 

49 



possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. 
Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your in- 
dulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not 
dissimilar occasion. 

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every liga- 
ment of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is neces- 
sary to fortify or confirm the attachment. 

The unity of government, which constitutes you one 
people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is 
a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the 
support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; 
of your safety; of your prosperity in every shape; of that 
very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to 
foresee that from different causes and from different quar- 
ters much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, 
to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as 
this is the point in your political fortress against which the 
batteries of internal and external enemies will be most 
constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidi- 
ously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should 
properly estimate the immense value of your national 
union to your collective and individual happiness; that 
you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable at- 
tachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak 
of it as of the palladium of your political safety and pros- 
perity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; 
discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion 
that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly 
frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to 
alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to 
enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the 
various parts. 

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and 
interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common coun- 
try, that country has a right to concentrate your affec- 
tions. The name of American, which belongs to you, in 
your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride 
of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from 

50 



local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, 
you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political 
principles. You have in a common cause fought and tri- 
umphed together; the independence and liberty you pos- 
sess are the work of joint counsels and joint efforts, of 
common dangers, sufferings and successes. 

But these considerations, however powerfully they 
address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly out- 
weighed by those which apply more immediately to your 
interest. Here ever}' portion of our country finds the 
most commanding motives for carefully guarding and 
preserving the union of the whole. 

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the 
South, protected by the equal laws of a common govern- 
ment, finds in the productions of the latter great addi- 
tional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise 
and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The 
South in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of 
the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce 
expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen 
of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigor- 
ated; and, while it contributes in different ways to nourish 
and increase the general mass of the national navigation, 
it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, 
to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like 
intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the pro- 
gressive improvement of interior communications by land 
and water will more and more find, a valuable vent for 
the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manu- 
factures at home. The West derives from the East sup- 
plies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is 
perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity 
owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its 
own productions to the weight, influence, and the future 
maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, 
directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one 
nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold 
this essential advantage, whether derived from its own 

51 



separate strength or from an apostate and unnatural con- 
nection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically 
precarious. 

While, then, every part of our country thus feels an im- 
mediate and particular interest in union, all the parts com- 
bined in the united mass of means and efforts cannot fail 
to find greater strength, greater resource, proportionably 
greater security from external danger, a less frequent 
interruption of their peace by foreign nations, and, what 
is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an 
exemption from those broils and wars between them- 
selves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries 
not tied together by the same governments, which their 
own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but 
which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and in- 
trigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, 
they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military 
establishments which, under any form of government, are 
inauspicious to liberty, and Avhich are to be regarded as 
particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it 
is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop 
of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to 
endear to you the preservation of the other. 

These considerations speak a persuasive language to 
every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the con- 
tinuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic 
desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government 
can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solv^e it. 
To listen to mere speculation In such a case were criminal. 
We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of 
the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for 
the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to 
the experiment. It Is well worth a fair and full experi- 
ment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union, 
affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall 
not have demonstrated Its impracticability, there will al- 
ways be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who 
in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands. 

52 



In contemplating the causes which may disturb our 
Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any 
ground should have been furnished for characterizing 
parties by geographical discriminations Northern and 
Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men 
may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real differ- 
ence of local interests and views. One of the expedients 
of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, 
is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. 
You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jeal- 
ousies and heart-burnings which spring from these mis- 
representations; they tend to render alien to each other 
those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affec- 
tion. The inhabitants of our western country have lately 
had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the 
negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous rati- 
fication by the senate, of the treat}^ with Spain, and in the 
universal satisfaction at that event throughout the United 
States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspi- 
cions propagated among them of a policy in the general 
government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their 
interests in regard to the Mississippi ; they have been wit- 
nesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great 
Britain and that with Spain, which secure to them every- 
thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, 
towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their 
wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages 
on the Union by which they were procured? Will they 
not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, 
who would sever them from their brethren and connect 
them with aliens? 

To the eflUcacy and permanency of your union, a gov- 
ernment for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, 
however strict, between the parts can be an adequate sub- 
stitute ; they must inevitably experience the infractions 
and interruptions which all alliances in all times have 
experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have 
improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a 

S3 



constitution of government better calculated than your 
former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious man- 
agement of your common concerns. This government, the 
offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, 
adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, 
completely free in its principles, in the distribution of 
its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing 
within itself a provision for Its own amendment, has a 
just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect 
for Its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in 
its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental 
maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political sys- 
tems is the right of the people to make and to alter their 
constitutions of government. But the constitution which 
at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authen- 
tic act of the whole people. Is sacredly obligatory upon all. 
The very idea of the power and the right of the people to 
establish government presupposes the duty of every in- 
dividual to obey the established government. 

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all com- 
binations and associations, under whatever plausible char- 
acter, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, 
or awe the regular deliberation and action of the consti- 
tuted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental prin- 
ciple, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize fac- 
tion, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to 
put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the 
will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising 
minority of the community; and, according to the alter- 
nate triumphs of different parties, to make the public ad- 
ministration the mirror of the ill-concerted and Incon- 
gruous projects of fashion, rather than the organ of 
consistent and wholesome plans digested by common 
councils, and modified by mutual interests. 

However combinations or associations of the above 
description may now and then answer popular ends, they 
are likely, in the course of time and things, to be- 
come potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and 

54 



unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power 
of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins 
of government; destroying afterwards the very engines 
which have lifted them to unjust dominion. 

Towards the preservation of your government, and 
the permanency of your present happy state, it is requi- 
site, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular 
oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that 
you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its prin- 
ciples, however specious the pretexts. One method of 
assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, 
alterations, which will impair the energy of the system, 
and thus to undermine what cannot be directly over- 
thrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, 
remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to 
fix the true character of governments as of other human 
institutions; that experience is the surest standard by 
which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution 
of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of 
mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, 
from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; 
and remember, especially, that, for the efficient manage- 
ment of your common interests, in a country so extensive 
as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consist- 
ent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. 
Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers 
properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It 
is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government 
is too feeble to withstand the enterprise of faction, to 
confine each member of the society within the limits pre- 
scribed by the laws, and to maintam all in the secure and 
tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. 

I have already intimated to you the danger of parties 
In the State, with particular reference to the founding of 
them on geographical discrimination. Let me now take 
a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most 
solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of 
party, generally. 

5S 



This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our na- 
ture, having its root in the strongest passions of the 
human mind. It exists under different shapes in all gov- 
ernments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; 
but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest 
rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. 

The alternate domination of one faction over another, 
sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dis- 
sension, which in different ages and countries has perpe- 
trated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful des- 
potism. But this leads at length to a more formal and 
permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which 
result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security 
and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and 
sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more 
able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this 
disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the 
ruins of public liberty. 

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind 
(which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), 
the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party 
are sufllicient to make it the interest and duty of a wise 
people to discourage and restrain it. 

It serves always to distract the public councils, and en- 
feeble the public administration. It agitates the com- 
munity with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; 
kindles the animosity of one part against another, fo- 
ments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the 
door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a 
facilitated access to the government itself through the 
channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will 
of one country are subjected to the policy and will of 
another. 

There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are 
useful checks upon the administration of the government, 
and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within 
certain limits is probably true, and in governments of a 
monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, 

56 



if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those 
of the popular character, in governments purely elective, 
it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural 
tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that 
spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being con- 
stant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of 
public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to 
be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent 
its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it 
should consume. 

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in 
a free country should inspire caution, in those intrusted 
with its administration, to confine themselves within their 
respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise 
of the powers of one department to encroach upon an- 
other. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate 
the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to 
create, whatever the form of government, a real despot- 
ism. A just estimate of that love of power, and prone- 
ness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, 
is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The 
necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political 
power, by dividing and distributing it into different de- 
positories, and constituting each the guardian of the pub- 
lic weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced 
by experiments ancient and modern, some of them in our 
country and under our own eyes. To preserve them 
must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opin- 
ion of the people, the distribution or modification of the 
constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it 
be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Con- 
stitution designates. But let there be no change by usur- 
pation; for, though this, in one instance, may be the 
instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which 
free governments are destroyed. The precedent must 
always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial 
or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. 

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to 

57 



political prosperity, religion and morality are indis- 
pensable supports. In vain would that man claim the 
tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these 
great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of 
the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician 
equally with the pious man ought to respect and to cherish 
them. A volume could not trace all their connections with 
private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where 
is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the 
sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are 
the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And 
let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality 
can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be 
conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of 
peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us 
to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion 
of religious principle. 

It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a neces- 
sary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, 
extends with more or less force to every species of free 
government. Who, that Is a sincere friend to it, can look 
with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation 
of the fabric? 

Promote, then, as an object of primary Importance, 
institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In 
proportion as the structure of a government gives force 
to public opinion, It is esentlal that public opinion should 
be enlightened. 

As a very important source of strength and security, 
cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is, 
to use It as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of 
expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that 
timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently 
prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding 
likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by §hunnlng 
occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions In time of 
peace to discharge the debts, which unavoidable wars 
may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon 

58 



posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. 
The execution of these maxims belongs to your represen- 
tatives, but it is necessary that pubhc opinion should co- 
operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their 
duty it is essential that you should practically bear in 
mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be 
revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that 
no taxes can be devised which are not more or less in- 
convenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrass- 
ment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects 
(which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a 
decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct 
of the government in making it, and for a spirit of ac- 
quiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which 
the public exigencies may at any time dictate. 

Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; 
cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and 
morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good 
policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a 
free, enlightened, and at no distant period a great nation, 
to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel 
example of a people always guided by an exalted justice 
and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of 
time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly 
repay any temporary advantages, which might be lost by 
a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has 
not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its 
virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by 
every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas ! is 
it rendered impossible by its vices? 

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essen- 
tial than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against 
particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, 
should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just 
and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. 
The nation which indulges towards another an habitual 
hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a 
slave. It Is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, 

59 



either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty 
and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another 
disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to 
lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty 
and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of 
dispute occur. Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, en- 
venomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted 
by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the 
government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. 
The government sometimes participates in the national 
propensity, and adopts through passion what reason 
would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of 
the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated 
by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious mo- 
tives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, 
of nations has been the victim. 

So likewise a passionate attachment of one nation for 
another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the 
favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary 
common interest in cases where no real common interest 
exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, 
betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels 
and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or 
justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite 
nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly 
to injure the nation making the concessions, by unneces- 
sarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and 
by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, 
in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. 
And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens 
(who devote themselves to the favorite nation), facility 
to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, 
without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding 
with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a 
commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable 
zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of 
ambition, corruption, or infatuation. 

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways 

60 



such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly 
enlightened and independent patriot. How many oppor- 
tunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, 
to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, 
to influence or awe the public councils ! Such an attach- 
ment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful 
nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. 

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (1 con- 
jure you to believe me, fellow-citizens), the jealousy of 
a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history 
and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the 
most baneful foes of republican government. But that 
jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes 
the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, in- 
stead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for 
one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause 
those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, 
and serve to veil and even second the arts of Influence on 
the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of 
the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; 
while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confi- 
dence of the people, to surrender their interests. 

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign 
nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to 
have with them as little political connection as possible. 
So far as we have already formed engagements, let them 
be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. 

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have 
none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be 
engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which 
are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, there- 
fore, it must be unwise In us to implicate ourselves, by 
artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, 
or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friend- 
ships or enmities. 

Our detached and distant situation Invites and enables 
us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, 
under an eflicient government, the period Is not far off 

6i 



when we may defy material Injury from external annoy- 
ance ; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the 
neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupu- 
lously respected; when belligerent nations, under the 
impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not 
lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may 
choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by our justice, 
shall counsel. 

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? 
Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, 
by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of 
Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of 
European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? 

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent al- 
liances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I 
mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not 
be understood as capable of patronizing Infidelity to ex- 
isting engagements, I hold the maxim no less applicable 
to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always 
the best policy. I repeat It, therefore, let those engage- 
ments be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my 
opinion. It is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend 
them. 

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable es- 
tablishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may 
safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary 
emergencies. 

Harmony, liberal Intercourse with all nations, are rec- 
ommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even 
our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial 
hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or 
preferences; consulting the natural course of things; dif- 
fusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of 
commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers 
so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to 
define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the gov- 
ernment to support them, conventional rules of inter- 
course, the best that present circumstances and mutual 

62 



opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from 
time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and cir- 
cumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that 
it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors 
from another; that it must pay with a portion of its inde- 
pendence for whatever it may accept under that charac- 
ter; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the 
condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, 
and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not 
giving more. There can be no greater error than to ex- 
pect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. 
It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just 
pride ought to discard. 

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of 
an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will 
make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that 
they will control the usual current of the passions, or 
prevent our nation from running the course which has 
hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may 
even flatter myself that they may be productive of some 
partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now 
and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to 
warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard 
against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope 
will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your wel- 
fare, by which they have been dictated. 

How far in the discharge of my official duties I have 
been guided by the principles which have been delineated, 
the public records and other evidences of my conduct 
must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the 
assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least 
beheved myself to be guided by them. 

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my 
proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to 
my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by 
that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, 
the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, 
uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. 

63 



After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best 
lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, 
under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to 
take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neu- 
tral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as 
should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, 
perseverance, and firmness. 

The considerations which respect the right to hold this 
conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I 
will only observe, that, according to my understanding 
of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by 
any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted 
by all. 

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, 
without anything more, from the obligation which justice 
and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which 
it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of 
peace and amity towards other nations. 

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct 
will best be referred to your own reflections and experi- 
ence. With me a predominant motive has been to en- 
deavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature 
its yet recent institutions, and to progress without inter- 
ruption to that degree of strength and consistency which 
is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of 
its own fortunes. 

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administra- 
tion, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am never- 
theless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable 
that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they 
may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or 
mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also 
carry with me the hope that my country will never cease 
to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five 
years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright 
zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned 
to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of 
rest. 

64 



Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and 
actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natu- 
ral to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and 
his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with 
pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise 
myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of 
partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign 
influence of good laws under a free government, the ever 
favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I 
trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. 

George Washington. 

September 17, 1796. 



65 



THE MONROE DOCTRINE 

[1823] 

A statement by President Monroe included in his message to 
Congress in 1823. It defines the policy of the United States not 
to interfere in the internal concerns of the countries of Europe 
and to regard an attempt on their part to extend their system to 
any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. 

^ T the proposal of the Russian imperial govern- 
/^L ment made through the minister of the Em- 
r — ^ peror residing here a full power and instruc- 
-^ ^- tions have been transmitted to the Minister of 
the United States at St. Petersburgh, to arrange by ami- 
cable negotiation, the respective rights and interests of the 
two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A 
similar proposal has been made by his Imperial Majesty to 
the government of Great Britain, which has likewise been 
acceded to. The government of the United States has 
been desirous, by this friendly proceeding, of manifesting 
the great value which they have invariably attached to 
the friendship of the emperor, and their solicitude to 
cultivate the best understanding with his government. 
In the discussions to which this interest has given rise, 
and in the arrangements by which they may terminate, 
the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a 
principle in which the rights and interests of the United 
States are involved, that the American continents, by 
the free and independent condition which they have as- 
sumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be consid- 
ered as subjects for future colonization by any European 
powers. 

It was stated at the commencement of the last ses- 
sion, that a great effort was then making in Spain and 

66 



Portugal to improve the condition of the people of those 
countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with ex- 
traordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked, 
that the result has been, so far, very different from what 
was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the 
globe, with which we have so much intercourse, and from 
which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious 
and interested spectators. The citizens of the United 
States cherish sentiments the most friendly, in favor of the 
liberty and happiness of their fellow men on that side of 
the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in 
matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any 
part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is 
onjy when our rights are invaded, or seriously menaced, 
that we resent injuries, or make preparation for our 
defence. With the movements in this hemisphere, we 
are, of necessity, more immediately connected, and by 
causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and Im- 
partial observers. The political system of the allied 
powers is essentially different, in this respect, from that 
of America. This difference proceeds from that which 
exists in their respective governments. And to the 
defence of our own, which has been achieved by the loss 
of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wis- 
dom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which 
we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole natlort 
is devoted. We owe It, therefore, to candor, and to the 
amicable relations existing between the United States and 
those powers, to declare, that we should consider any 
attempt on their part to extend their system to any por- 
tion of this hemisphere, as dangerous to our peace and 
safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any 
European power, we have not interfered, and shall not 
interfere. But with the governments who have declared 
their independence, and maintained it, and whose inde- 
pendence we have, on great consideration, and on just 
principles, acknowledged, we could not view any in- 
terposition for the purpose of suppressing them, or 

67 



controlling, in any other manner, their destiny, by any 
European power, in any other light than as the manifes- 
tation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United 
States. In the war between those new governments and 
Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time of their 
recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall con- 
tinue to adhere, provided no change shall occur, which, 
in the judgment of the competent authorities of this gov- 
ernment, shall make a corresponding change, on the part 
of the United States, indispensable to their security. 

The late events in Spain and Portugal, show that 
Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact, no 
stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied powers 
should have thought it proper, on any principle satisfac- 
tory to themselves, to have interposed, by force, in the 
internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such inter- 
position may be carried, on the same principle, is a ques- 
tion, to which all independent powers, whose governments 
differ from theirs, are interested; even those most remote, 
and surely none more so than the United States. Our 
policy, in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an 
early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that 
quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, 
which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any 
of its powers; to consider the government de facto as the 
legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly rela- 
tions with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, 
firm, and manly policy; meeting, in all instances, the just 
claims of every power; submitting to injuries from none. 
But, in regard to these continents, circumstances are emi- 
nently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that 
the allied powers should extend their political system to 
any portion of either continent, without endangering our 
peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our 
Southern Brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it 
of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, 
that we should behold such interposition, in any form, 
with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength 

68 



and resources of Spain and those new governments, and 
their distance from each other, it must be obvious that 
she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of 
the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in 
the hope that other powers will pursue the same course. 



69 



M'EBSTER'S SECOND REPLY TO HAYNE 

[1830] 

Probably never have debates in Congress aroused so much pub- 
lic interest as those between Calhoun, Hayne, and Webster over 
the interpretation of the United States Constitution. The issue 
was whether or not a state could be compelled to accept an act of 
Congress which it considered unconstitutional — whether or not 
it should have the right to secede from the Union. 

Daniel Webster, who represented the Northern states, in his 
second reply to Robert Young Hayne, made a speech in defence of 
the integrity of the Union. This speech — extracts of which fol- 
low — had great influence in determining the stand taken by the 
North in resisting secession by the South in 1861. The speech was 
delivered January 26, 1830. 

. . . There yet remains to be performed, Mr. Presi- 
dent, by far the most grave and important duty which 
I feel to be devolved on me by this occasion. It is to 
state and to defend what I conceive to be the true prin- 
ciples of the Constitution under which we are here as- 
sembled. . . . 

I understand the honorable gentlemen from South 
Carolina to maintain that it is a right of the State legis- 
latures to interfere whenever, in their judgment, this gov- 
ernment transcends its constitutional limits, and to arrest 
the operation of Its laws. 

I understand him to maintain this right as a right ex- 
isting under the Constitution, not as a right to overthrow 
it on the ground of extreme necessity, such as would jus- 
tify violent revolution. 

I understand him to maintain an authority, on the part 
of the States, thus to interfere for the purpose of cor- 
recting the exercise of power by the general government, 
of checking it, and of compelling it to conform to their 
opinion of the extent of its powers. 

70 



I understand him to maintain that the ultimate power 
of judging of the constitutional extent of Its own author- 
ity is not lodged exclusively in the general government or 
any branch of it; but that, on the contrary, the States may 
lawfully decide for themselves, and each State for Itself, 
whether, in a given case, the act of the general govern- 
ment transcends Its power. 

I understand him to insist that, if the exigency of the 
case, in the opinion of any State government, require it, 
such State government may, by Its own sovereign author- 
ity, annul an act of the general government which It deems 
plainly and palpably unconstitutional. 

This is the sum of what I understand from him to be 
the South Carolina doctrine, and the doctrine which he 
maintains. I propose to consider it, and compare it with 
the Constitution. . . . 

. . . What he contends for is, that It Is constitutional 
to Interrupt the administration of the Constitution itself, 
in the hands of those who are chosen and sworn to ad- 
minister it, by the direct interference, in form of law, of 
the States, in virtue of their sovereign capacity. 

The inherent right in the people to reform their gov- 
ernment I do not deny; and they have another right, and 
that is, to resist unconstitutional laws without overturning 
the government. It Is no doctrine of mine that uncon- 
stitutional laws bind the people. The great question is, 
Whose prerogative is it to decide on the constitutionality 
or unconstitutionality of the laws? On that, the main 
debate hinges. 

The proposition that, in case of a supposed violation 
of the Constitution by Congress, the States have a con- 
stitutional right to interfere and annul the law of Con- 
gress, is the proposition of the gentleman. I do not ad- 
mit it. If the gentleman had intended no more than 
to assert the right of revolution for justifiable cause, 
he would have said only what all agree to. But I can- 
not conceive that there can be a middle course be- 
tween submission to the laws, when regularly pronounced 

71 



constitutional, on the one hand, and open resistance, which 
is revolution or rebellion, on the other. I say the right of 
a State to annul a law of Congress cannot be maintained 
but on the ground of the inalienable right of man to resist 
oppression; that is to say, upon the ground of revolution, 
I admit that there is an ultimate violent remedy, above 
the Constitution and in defiance of the Constitution, which 
may be resorted to when a revolution is to be justified. 
But I do not admit that, under the Constitution and in 
conformity with it, there is any mode in which a State 
government, as a member of the Union, can interfere and 
stop the progress of the general government by force of 
her own laws, under any circumstances whatever. 

This leads us to inquire into the origin of this gov- 
ernment and the source of its power. Whose agent is it? 
Is it the creature of the State legislatures, or the creature 
of the people? If the government of the United States 
be the agent of the State governments, then they may 
control it, provided they can agree in the manner of con- 
trolling it; if it be the agent of the people, then the people 
alone can control it, restrain it, modify or reform it. It 
is observable enough that the doctrine for which the 
honorable gentleman contends leads him to the necessity 
of maintaining not only that this general government is 
the creature of the States, but that it is the creature of 
each of the States sev^erally, so that each may assert the 
power for itself of determining whether it acts within the 
limits of its authority. It is the ser^^ant of four-and- 
twenty masters, of different wills and different purposes, 
and yet bound to obey all. This absurdity (for it seems 
no less) arises from a misconception as to the origin of 
this government and its true character. It is, sir, the 
people's Constitution, the people's government, made for 
the people, made by the people, and answerable to the 
people. The people of the United States have declared 
that this Constitution shall be the supreme law. We 
must either admit the proposition or dispute their author- 
ity. The States are unquestionably sovereign, so far as 

72 



their sovereignty is not affected by this supreme law. But 
the State legislatures, as political bodies, however sover- 
eign, are yet not sovereign over the people. So far as the 
people have given power to the general government, so 
far the grant is unquestionably good, and the govern- 
ment holds of the people, and not of the State govern- 
ments. We are all agents of the same supreme power, 
the people. The general government and the State gov- 
ernments derive their authority from the same source. 
Neither can, in relation to the other, be called primary, 
though one is definite and restricted, and the other gen- 
eral and residuary. The national government possesses 
those powers which It can be shown the people have con- 
ferred on it, and no more. All the rest belongs to the 
State governments, or to the people themselves. So far 
as the people have restrained State sovereignty, by the 
expression of their will, in the Constitution of the United 
States, so far. It must be admitted, State sovereignty Is 
effectually controlled. I do not contend that it is, or 
ought to be, controlled farther. The sentiment to which 
I have referred propounds that State sovereignty Is only 
to be controlled by its own "feeling of justice;" that Is 
to say, it is not to be controlled at all, for one who is to 
follow his own feelings Is under no legal control. Now, 
however men may think this ought to be, the fact Is that 
the people of the United States have chosen to Impose 
control on State sovereignties. There are those, doubt- 
less, who wish they had been left without restraint; but 
the Constitution has ordered the matter differently. To 
make war, for instance, is an exercise of sovereignty; but 
the Constitution declares that no State shall make war. 
To coin money is another exercise of sovereign power; 
but no State Is at liberty to coin money. Again, the Con- 
stitution says that no sovereign State shall be so sover- 
eign as to make a treaty. These prohibitions, it must be 
confessed, are a control on the State sovereignty of South 
Carolina, as well as of the other States, which does not 
arise " from her own feelings of honorable justice." The 

73 



opinion referred to, therefore, is in defiance of the plain- 
est provisions of the Constitution. . . . 

It so happens that, at the very moment when South 
Carolina resolves that the tariff laws are unconstitutional, 
Pennsylvania and Kentucky resolve exactly the reverse. 
They hold those laws to be both highly proper and 
strictly constitutional. And now, sir, how does the honor- 
able member propose to deal with this case? How does 
he relieve us from this difficulty upon any principle of 
his? His construction gets us into it; how does he pro- 
pose to get us out? 

In Carolina the tariff is a palpable, deliberate usurpa- 
tion; Carolina, therefore, may nullify it and refuse to 
pay the duties. In Pennsylvania it is both clearly consti- 
tutional and highly expedient, and there the duties are to 
be paid. And yet we live under a government of uniform 
laws, and under a Constitution, too, which contains an 
express provision, as it happens, that all duties shall be 
equal in all the States. Does not this approach absurdity? 

If there be no power to settle such questions, independ- 
ent of either of the States, is not the whole Union a rope 
of sand? Are we not thrown back again, precisely, upon 
the old Confederation? 

It is too plain to be argued. Four-and-twenty inter- 
preters of constitutional law, each with a power to decide 
for itself, and none with authority to bind anybody else, 
and this constitutional law the only bond of their union ! 
What is such a state of things but a mere connection dur- 
ing pleasure, or, to use the phraseology of the times, dur- 
ing feeling? And that feeling, too, not the feeling of the 
people who established the Constitution, but the feeling 
of the State governments. . . . 

I must now beg to ask, sir. Whence is this supposed 
right of the States derived? Where do they find the 
power to interfere with the laws of the Union? Sir, the 
opinion which the honorable gentleman maintains is a 
notion founded in a total misapprehension, in my judg- 
ment, of the origin of this government, and of the 

74 



foundation on which it stands. I hold it to be a popular 
government, erected by the people; those who administer 
it responsible to the people; and itself capable of being 
amended and modified, just as the people may choose it 
should be. It is as popular, just as truly emanating from 
the people, as the State governments. It is created for 
one purpose ; the State governments for another. It has 
its own powers; they have theirs. There is no more 
authority with them to arrest the operation of a law of 
Congress than with Congress to arrest the operation of 
their laws. We are here to administer a Constitution 
emanating immediately from the people, and trusted by 
them to our administration. It is not the creature of 
the State governments. It is of no moment to the argu- 
ment that certain acts of the State legislatures are neces- 
sary to fill our seats in this body. That is not one of 
their original State powers, a part of the sovereignty of 
the State. It is a duty which the people, by the Constitu- 
tion itself, have imposed on the State legislatures, and 
which they might have left to be performed elsewhere, if 
they had seen fit. So they have left the choice of Presi- 
dent with electors; but all this does not affect the propo- 
sition that this whole government — President, Senate, 
and House of Representatives — is a popular govern- 
ment. It leaves it still all its popular character. The 
governor of a State (in some of the States) is chosen, not 
directly by the people, but by those who are chosen by the 
people for the purpose of performing, among other 
duties, that of electing a governor. Is the government of 
the State, on that account, not a popular government? 
This government, sir, is the independent offspring of the 
popular will. It is not the creature of State legislatures; 
nay, more, if the whole truth must be told, the people 
brought it into existence, established it, and have hitherto 
supported it for the very purpose, amongst others, of im- 
posing certain salutary restraints on State sovereignties. 
The States cannot now make war; they cannot contract 
alliances; they cannot make, each for itself, separate 

■ 75 



regulations of commerce; they cannot lay imposts; they 
cannot coin money. If this Constitution, sir, be the creature 
of State legislatures, it must be admitted that it has ob- 
tained a strange control over.the volitions of its creators. 

The people, then, sir, erected this government. They 
gave it a Constitution, and in that Constitution they have 
enumerated the powers which they bestow on it. They 
have made it a limited government. They have defined 
its authority. They have restrained it to the exercise of 
such powers as are granted; and all others, they declare, 
are reserved to the States or the people. But, sir, they 
have not stopped here. If they had, they would have 
accomplished but half their work. No definition can be 
so clear as to avoid possibility of doubt; no limitation so 
precise as to exclude all uncertainty. Who, then, shall 
construe this grant of the people? Who shall interpret 
their will, where it may be supposed they have left it 
doubtful? With whom do they repose this ultimate right 
of deciding on the powers of the government? Sir, 
they have settled all this in the fullest manner. They 
have left it with the government itself, in its appropriate 
branches. Sir, the very chief end, the main design for 
which the whole Constitution was framed and adopted 
was to establish a government that should not be obliged 
to act through State agency, or depend on State opinion 
and State discretion. The people had had quite enough 
of that kind of government under the Confederation. 
Under that system, the legal action, the application of 
law to individuals, belonged exclusively to the States. 
Congress could only recommend; their acts were not of 
binding force till the States had adopted and sanctioned 
them. Are we In that condition still? Are we yet at the 
mercy of State discretion and State construction? Sir, if 
we are, then vain will be our attempt to maintain the Con- 
stitution under which we sit. 

But, sir, the people have wisely provided, in the Con- 
stitution itself, a proper, suitable mode and tribunal for 
settling questions of constitutional law. There are in the 

76 



Constitution grants of powers to Congress, and restric- 
tions on these powers. There are, also, prohibitions on 
the States. Some authority must, therefore, necessarily 
exist, having the ultimate jurisdiction to fix and ascertain 
the interpretation of these grants, restrictions, and pro- 
hibitions. The Constitution has itself pointed out, or- 
dained, and established that authority. How has it 
accomplished this great and essential end? By declaring, 
sir, that " the Constitution, and the laws of the United 
States made in pursuance thereof, shall be the supreme 
law of the land, anything in the Constitution or laws of 
any State to the contrary notwithstanding ^ 

This, sir, was the first great step. By this the suprem- 
acy of the Constitution and laws of the United States is 
declared. The people so will it. No State law is to be 
valid which comes in conflict with the Constitution, or 
any law of the United States passed in pursuance of it. 
But who shall decide this question of interference? To 
-svhom lies the last appeal? This, sir, the Constitution 
itself decides also, by declaring " that the judicial power 
shall extend to all cases arising under the Constitution 
and laws of the United States^ These two provisions 
cover the whole ground. They are, in truth, the keystone 
of the arch! With these it is a government; without 
them it is a confederation. In pursuance of these clear 
and express provisions. Congress established, at its very 
first session, in the judicial act, a mode for carrying them 
into full effect, and for bringing all questions of consti- 
tutional power to the final decision of the Supreme Court. 
It then, sir, became a government. It then had the means 
of self-protection; and but for this, it would, in all proba- 
bility, have been now among things which are past. Hav- 
ing constituted the government and declared its powers, 
the people have further said that, since somebody must 
decide on the extent of these powers, the government shall 
itself decide; subject always, like other popular govern- 
ments, to its responsibility to the people. And now, sir, 
I repeat, how is it that a State legislature acquires any 

77 



power to interfere? Who or what gives them the right 
to say to the people, " We, who are your agents and serv- 
ants for one purpose, will undertake to decide that your 
other agents and servants, appointed by you for another 
purpose, have transcended the authority you gave them! " 
The reply would be, I think, not impertinent, — "Who 
made you a judge over another's servants? To their own 
masters they stand or fall." 

Sir, I deny this power of State legislatures altogether. 
It cannot stand the test of examination. Gentlemen may 
say that, in an extreme case, a State government might 
protect the people from intolerable oppression. Sir, in 
such a case the people might protect themselves without 
the aid of the State governments. Such a case warrants 
revolution. . . . 

To avoid all possibility of being misunderstood, allow 
me to repeat again, in the fullest manner, that I claim no 
powers for the government by forced or unfair construc- 
tion. I admit that it is a government of strictly limited 
powers; of enumerated, . specified, and particularized 
powers; and that whatsoever is not granted is withheld. 
But notwithstanding all this, and however the grant of 
powers may be expressed, its limit and extent may yet, in 
some cases, admit of doubt; and the general government 
would be good for nothing, it would be incapable of long 
existing, if some mode had not been provided in which 
those doubts, as they should arise, might be peaceably but 
authoritatively solved. . . . 

But, sir, what is this danger, and what are the grounds 
of it? Let it be remembered that the Constitution of the 
United States Is not unalterable. It is to continue in its 
present form no longer than the people who established 
it shall choose to continue it. If thev shall become con- 
vinced that they have made an injudicious or inexpedient 
partition and distribution of power between the State gov- 
ernments and the general government, they can alter that 
distribution at will. . . . 

... I profess, sir, in my career hitherto, to have kept 

78 



steadily In- view the prosperity and honor of the whole 
country, and the preservation of our Federal Union. It 
is to that Union we owe our safety at home and our con- 
sideration and dignity abroad. It is to that Union that 
we are chiefly indebted for whatever makes us most proud 
of our country. That Union we reached only by the dis- 
cipline of our virtues in the severe school of adversity. 
It had its origin In the necessities of disordered finance, 
prostrate commerce, and ruined credit. Under its benign 
influences these great interests Immediately awoke as 
from the dead, and sprang forth with newness of life. 
Every year of its duration has teemed with fresh proofs 
of its utility and its blessings; and although our territory 
has stretched out wider and wider, and our population 
spread farther and farther, they have not outrun Its 
protection or its benefits. It has been to us all a copious 
fountain of national, social, and personal happiness. 

I have not allowed myself, sir, to look beyond the 
Union, to see what might lie hidden in the dark recess 
behind. I have not coolly weighed the chances of pre- 
serving liberty when the bonds that unite us together shall 
be broken asunder. I have not accustomed myself to 
hang over the precipice of disunion, to see whether, with 
my short sight, I can fathom the depth of the abyss 
below; nor could I regard him as a safe counselor in the 
affairs of this government whose thoughts should be 
mainly bent on considering, not how the Union may be 
best preserved, but how tolerable might be the condition 
of the people when It shall be broken up and destroyed. 
While the Union lasts, we have high, exciting, gratifying 
prospects spread out before us for us and our children. 
Beyond that I seek not to penetrate the veil. God grant 
that In my day, at least, that curtain may not rise ! God 
grant that on my vision never may be opened what lies 
behind! When my eyes shall be turned to behold for the 
last time the sun In heaven, may I not see him shining 
on the broken and dishonored fragments of a once glori- 
ous Union; on States dissevered, discordant, belligerent; 

79 



on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, 
in fraternal blood! Let their last feeble and lingering 
glance rather behold the gorgeous ensign of the republic, 
now known and honored throughout the earth, still full 
high advanced, its arms and trophies streaming in their 
original lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted nor a single 
star obscured, bearing for its motto no such miserable 
interrogatory as "What is all this worth?" nor those 
other words of delusion and folly, " Liberty first and 
Union afterwards;" but everywhere, spread all over in 
characters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds, 
as they float over the sea and over the land, and in every 
wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment, dear 
to every true American heart, — Liberty and Union, now 
and forever, one and inseparable ! 



80 



THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 
OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN 

[1863] 

WHEREAS, on the twenty-second day of Sep- 
tember, in the year of our Lord one thou- 
sand eight hundred and sixty-two, a procla- 
mation was issued by the President of the 
United States, containing, among other things, the fol- 
lowing, to wit : — 

*'That on the first day of January, in the year of our 
Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all 
persons held as slaves within any State, or designated 
part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in re- 
bellion against the United States, shall be then, thencefor- 
ward and forever free, and the Executive Government 
of the United States, including the military and naval 
authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the free- 
dom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress 
such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may 
make for their actual freedom. 

"That the Executive will, on the first day of January 
aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and 
parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof re- 
spectively shall then be in rebellion against the United 
States ; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, 
shall on that day be in good faith represented in the Con- 
gress of the United States by members chosen thereto at 
elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of 
such State shall have participated shall, in the absence 
of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive 
evidence that such State and the people thereof are not 
then in rebellion against the United States;" — 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the 

81 



United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as 
Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of the United 
States, in time of actual armed rebellion against au- 
thority and government of the United States, and as a 
fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said re- 
bellion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of 
our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and 
in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly pro- 
claimed for the full period of one hundred days from the 
day first above-mentioned, order, and designate, as the 
States and parts of States wherein the people thereof re- 
spectively are this day in rebellion against the United 
States, the following, to wit: Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana 
except the parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jeffer- 
son, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assump- 
tion, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and 
Orleans, including the city of New Orleans, Mississippi, 
Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Caro- 
lina, and Virginia, except the forty-eight counties desig- 
nated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkeley, 
Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Prin- 
cess Ann and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk 
and Portsmouth, and which excepted parts are, for the 
present, left precisely as if this proclamation were not 
issued. 

And by virtue of the power and for the purpose afore- 
said, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves 
within said designated States and parts of States are, and 
henceforward shall be, free; and that the Executive Gov- 
ernment of the United States, including the military and 
naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain 
the freedom of said persons. 

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be 
free, to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary 
self-defense, and I recommend to them, that in all cases, 
when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages. 

And I further declare and make known that such per- 
sons of suitable condition will be received into the armed 

82 



service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, 
stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts 
in said service. 

And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of 
justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon military ne- 
cessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind 
and the gracious favor of Almighty God. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, 
and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this first day of Janu- 
ary, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
and sixty-three, and of the Independence of the United 
States of America the eighty-seventh. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

By the President: 
William H. Seward, Secretary oj State. 



83 



THE GETTYSBURG ADDRESS 
OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN 

[1863] 

FOURSCORE and seven years ago, our fathers 
brought forth on this continent a new nation, 
conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposi- 
tion that all men are created equal. 
Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing 
whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so 
dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle- 
field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of 
that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave 
their lives that the nation might live. It is altogether fit- 
ting and proper that we should do this. But in a larger 
sense we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot 
hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who 
struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor 
power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor 
long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget 
what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be 
dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who 
fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather 
for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining be- 
fore us, — that from these honored dead we take increased 
devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full 
measure of devotion, — that we here highly resolve that 
these dead shall not have died in vain, — that this nation, 
under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, and 
that government of the people, by the people, for the 
people, shall not perish from the earth. 



84 



RECOGNITION OF THE 
INDEPENDENCE OF CUBA 

[1898]' 

In this message to Congress by President McKinley, April 11, 
1898, permission was asked to levy war on Spain in order to force 
that country to recognize the independence of Cuba. A new 
policy is here propounded, namely, that after pacification of Cuba 
the government and control of the Island should be left to its 
people. 

JOINT Resolution for the recognition of the inde- 
pendence of the people of Cuba, demanding that the 
Government of Spain relinquish its authority and 
government In the Island of Cuba, and to withdraw 
its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters, 
and directing the President of the United States to use 
the land and naval forces of the United States to carry 
these resolutions Into effect. 

Whereas the abhorrent conditions which have existed 
for more than three years in the Island of Cuba, so near 
our own borders, have shocked the moral sense of the 
people of the United States, have been a disgrace to 
Christian civilization, culminating, as they have, in the 
destruction of a United States battleship, with two hun- 
dred and sixty-six of Its officers and crew, while on a 
friendly visit In the harbor of Havana, and cannot longer 
be endured, as has been set forth by the President of the 
United States In his message to Congress of April elev- 
enth, eighteen hundred and nlnet}^-eight, upon which the 
action of Congress was invited: Therefore, 

Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States of America In Congress assembled, 

85 



First. That the people of the Island of Cuba are, and of 
right ought to be, free and independent. 

Second. That it is the duty of the United States to 
demand, and the Government of the United States does 
hereby demand, that the Government of Spain at once 
relinquish its authority and government in the Island of 
Cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba 
and Cuban waters. 

Third. That the President of the United States be, 
and he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the en- 
tire land and naval forces of the United States, and to 
call into the actual service of the United States the militia 
of the several States, to such extent as may be necessary 
to carry these resolutions into effect. 

Fourth. That the United States hereby disclaims any 
disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdic- 
tion, or control over said Islands except for the pacifica- 
tion thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is 
accomplished, to leave the government and control of the 
Island to its people. 



86 



THE MESSAGE OF PRESIDENT WILSON 

TO CONGRESS RECOMMENDING 

WAR WITH GERMANY 

[1917] 

This message was read before Congress April 2, 191 7, and asks 
for permission to declare war against Germany. 

Four days later, April 6, 1917, war was officially declared, and 
the United States became involved in the Great War. Actual hos- 
tilities ceased on Armistice Day, November 11, 1918. 

Gentlemen of the Congress: 

I HAVE called the Congress into extraordinary ses- 
sion because there are serious, very serious, choices 
of policy to be made, and made immediately, which 
it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible 
that I should assume the responsibility of making. 

On the 3d of February last, I officially laid before you 
the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German 
Government that on and after the first day of February 
it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of 
humanity and use Its submarines to sink every vessel that 
sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and 
Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the 
ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the 
Mediterranean. That had seemed to be the object of the 
German submarine warfare earlier In the war, but since 
April of last year the Imperial Government had some- 
what restrained the commanders of Its undersea craft, in 
conformity with Its promise, then given to us, that pas- 
senger boats should not be sunk and that due warning 
would be given to all other vessels which its submarines 
might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or 
escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were 
given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their 

87 



open boats. The precautions taken were meagre and 
haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing instance 
after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly 
business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. 

The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Ves- 
sels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, 
their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been 
ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without 
thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels 
of friendly neutrals along with those of belligerents. 
Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely 
bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the 
latter were provided with safe conduct through the pro- 
scribed areas by the German Government itself and were 
distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, have 
been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or 
of principle. 

I was for a little while unable to believe that such 
things would in fact be done by any Government that had 
hitherto subscribed to humane practices of civilized na- 
tions. International law had its origin in the attempt to 
set up some law which would be respected and observed 
upon the seas, where no nation has right of dominion and 
where lay the free highways of the world. By painful 
stage after stage has that law been built up, with meagre 
enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that 
could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at 
least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind 
demanded. 

This minimum right the German Government has 
swept aside, under the plea of retaliation and necessity 
and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea 
except these, which it is impossible to employ, as it is 
employing them, without throwing to the wind all scruples 
of humanity or of respect for the understandings that 
were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world. 

1 am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, 
immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton 



and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, 
men, women and children, engaged in pursuits which 
have always, even in the darkest periods of modern his- 
tory, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can 
be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people 
cannot be. The present German submarine warfare 
against commerce is a warfare against mankind. 

It is a war against all nations. American ships have 
been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has 
stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and 
people of other neutral and friendly nations have been 
sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. 
There has been no discrimination. 

The challenge is to all mankind. Each nation must 
decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make 
for ourselves must be made with a moderation of coun- 
sel and a temperateness of judgment befitting our charac- 
ter and our motives as a nation. We must put excited 
feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the 
victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, 
but only the vindication of right, of human right, of 
which we are only a single champion. 

When I addressed the Congress on the 26th of Feb- 
ruary last I thought that it would sufl^ce to assert our 
neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against 
unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe 
against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now 
appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in 
effect outlaws, when used as the German submarines have 
been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to 
defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations 
has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves 
against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase 
upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such cir- 
cumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy 
them before they have shown their own intention. They 
must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all. 

The German Government denies the right of neutrals 

89 



to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has 
proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no mod- 
ern publicist has ever before questioned their right to 
defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed 
guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will 
be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be 
dealt with as pirates would be. Armed neutrality is in- 
effectual enough at best; In such circumstances and in the 
face of such pretensions it is worse than Ineffectual; it is 
likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is 
practically certain to draw us into the war without either 
the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is 
one choice we cannot make, we are Incapable of making; 
we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the 
most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be 
ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now 
array ourselves are no common wrongs; they cut to the 
very roots of human life. 

With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical 
character of the step I am taking and of the grave re- 
sponsibilities which It Inv^olves, but in unhesitating obe- 
dience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise 
that the Congress declare the recent course of the Im- 
perial German Government to be in fact nothing less than 
war against the Government and people of the United 
States; that It formally accept the status of belligerent 
which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take im- 
mediate steps not only to put the country In a more 
thorough state of defense but also to exert all Its power 
and employ all Its resources to bring the Government of 
the German Empire to terms and end the war. 

What this will Involve is clear. It will involve the ut- 
most practicable co-operation in counsel and action with 
the Governments now at war with Germany, and, as 
incident to that, the extension to those Governments of 
the most liberal financial credits, In order that our re- 
sources may so far as possible be added to theirs. 

It will involve the organization and mobilization of 

90 



all the material resources of the country to supply the 
materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the 
nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical 
and efficient way possible. 

It will involve the immediate full equipment of the 
navy in all respects, but particularly in supplying it with 
the best means of dealing with the enemy's submarines. 

It will involve the immediate addition to the armed 
forces of the United States, already provided for by law 
in case of war, of at least 500,000 men, who should, in 
my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal lia- 
bility to service, and also the authorization of subsequent 
additional increments of equal force so soon as they may 
be needed and can be handled in training. 

It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate 
credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as 
they can equitably be sustained by the present genera- 
tion, by well conceived taxation. 

I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxa- 
tion, because it seems to me that it would be most unwise 
to base the credits, which will now be necessary, entirely 
on money borrowed. It Is our duty, I most respectfully 
urge, to protect our people, so far as we may, against the 
very serious hardships and evils which would be likely 
to arise out of the inflation which would be produced by 
vast loans. 

In carrying out the measures by which these things are 
to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the 
wisdom of interfering as little as possible in our own prep- 
aration and In the equipment of our own military forces 
with the duty — for it will be a very practical duty — of 
supplying the nations already at war with Germany with 
the materials which they can obtain only from us or by 
our assistance. They are in the field and we should help 
them in every way to be effective there. 

I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the sev- 
eral executive departments of the Government, for the 
consideration of your committees, measures for the 

91 



accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. 
I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them 
as having been framed after very careful thought by the 
branch of the Government upon whom the responsibility 
of conducting the war and safeguarding the nation will 
most directly fall. 

While we do these things, these deeply momentous 
things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the 
world, what our motives and our objects are. My own 
thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal 
course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and 
I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been 
altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same 
things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed 
the Senate on the 22d of January last; the same that I 
had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the 3d of 
February and on the 26th of February. Our object now, 
as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice 
in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic 
power, and to set up among the really free and self-gov- 
erned peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and 
of action as will henceforth insure the observance of 
those principles. 

Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the 
peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its 
peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies 
In the existence of autocratic governments, backed by 
organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, 
not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of 
neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the begin- 
ning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same 
standards of conduct and of responsibility for wrong done 
shall be observed among nations and their governments 
that are observed among the individual citizens of civil- 
ized States. 

We have no quarrel with the German people. We 
have no feeling toward them but one of sympathy and 
friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their 

92 



Government acted in entering this war. It was not with 
their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war de- 
termined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the 
old, unhappy days, when peoples were nowhere consulted 
by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in 
the interest of dynasties or* of little groups of ambitious 
men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as 
pawns and tools. 

Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor States 
with spies or set the course of Intrigue to bring about 
some critical posture of affairs which will give them an 
opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs 
can be successfully worked out only under cover and 
where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly 
contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it 
may be, from generation to generation, can be worked 
out and kept from the light only within the privacy of 
courts or behind the carefully guarded confidences of a 
narrow and privileged class. They are happily impos- 
sible where public opinion commands and Insists upon full 
information concerning all the nation's affairs. 

A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained 
except by a partnership of democratic nations. No auto- 
cratic government could be trusted to keep faith within 
it or observe its covenants. It must be a league of honor, 
a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would e-at Its vitals 
away; the plottlngs of Inner circles who could plan what 
they would and render account to no one would be a cor- 
ruption seated at Its very heart. Only free peoples can 
hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common 
end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow 
interest of their own. 

Does not every American feel that assurance has been 
added to our hope for the future peace of the world by 
the wonderful and heartening things that have been hap- 
pening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was 
known by those who knew her best to have been always 
in fact democratic at heart in all the vital habits of her 

93 



thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people 
that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude 
toward life. The autocracy that crowned the summit of 
her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible 
as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in 
origin, character, or purpose; and now it has been shaken, 
off and the great, generous Russian people have been 
added, in all their naive majesty and might, to the forces 
that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, 
and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of 
Honor. 

One of the things that has served to convince us that 
the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our 
friend is that from the very outset of the present war it 
has filled our unsuspecting communities, and even our 
offices of government, with spies and set criminal in- 
trigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of 
counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and 
our commerce. Indeed, it is now eyident that its spies 
were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily 
not a matter of conjecture, but a fact proved in our courts 
of justice, that the intrigues which have more than once 
come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislo- 
cating the industries of the country, have been carried 
on at the instigation, with the support, and even under 
the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial 
Government accredited to the Government of the United 
States. 

Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate 
them we have sought to put the most generous interpreta- 
tion possible upon them because we knew that their source 
lay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German 
people toward us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of 
them as we ourselves were) , but only in the selfish designs 
of a Government that did what it pleased and told its 
people nothing. But they have played their part in serv- 
ing to convince us at last that that Government entertains 
no real friendship for us, and means to act against our 

94 



peace and security at its convenience. That it means to 
stir up enemies against us at our very doors the inter- 
cepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is 
eloquent evidence. 

We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose be- 
cause we know that in such a Government, following such 
methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the 
presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to 
accomplish we know not what purpose, can be no as- 
sured security for the democratic governments of the 
world. We are now about to accept the gage of battle 
with this natural foe to liberty, and shall, if necessary, 
spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify 
its pretensions and its power. We are glad, now that we 
see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, 
to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for 
the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples in- 
cluded; for the rights of nations, great and small, and the 
privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life 
and of obedience. 

The world must be made safe for democracy. Its 
peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of 
political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We 
desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities 
for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacri- 
fices we shall freely make. We are but one of the cham- 
pions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied 
when those rights have been made as secure as the faith 
and the freedom of nations can make them. 

Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish 
object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall 
wish to share with/all free peoples, we shall, I feel con- 
fident, conduct our operations as belligerents without pas- 
sion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the prin- 
ciples of right and of fair play we profess to be fighting 
for. 

I have said nothing of the governments allied with the 
Imperial Government of Germany because they have not 

95 



made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right 
and our honor. The Austro-Hungarian Government has, 
indeed, avowed its unqualified indorsement and accept- 
ance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare, 
adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German 
Government, and it has therefore not been possible for 
this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Am- 
bassador recently accredited to this Government by the 
Imperial and Royal Government of AustriayHungary ; 
but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare 
against citizens of the United States on the seas, and 
I take the liberty, for the preseht at least, of postponing 
a discussion of our relations with the authorities at 
Vienna. We enter this war only where we are clearly 
forced into it because there are no other means of defend- 
ing our rights. 

It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as 
belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because 
we act without animus, not with enmity toward a people 
or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage 
upon them, but only in armed opposition to an irrespon- 
sible Government which has thrown aside all considera- 
tions of humanity and of right and is running amuck. 

We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the 
German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the 
early re-establishment of intimate relations of mutual 
advantage between us, however hard it may be for them 
for the time being to believe that this is spoken from our 
hearts. We have borne with their present Government 
through all these bitter months because of that friend- 
ship, exercising a patience and forbearance which would 
otherwise have been impossible. 

We shall happily still have an opportunity to prove 
that friendship in our daily attitude and actions toward 
the millions of men and women of German birth and 
native sympathy who live among us and share our life, 
and we shall be proud to prove it toward all who are in 
fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in 

96 



the hour of test. They are most of them as true and 
loyal Americans as if they had never known any other 
fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with 
us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a 
different mind and purpose. If there should be dis- 
loyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm hand of stern 
repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only 
here and there and without countenance except from a 
lawless and malignant few. 

It is a distressing and oppressive duty, gentlemen of 
the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing 
you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial 
and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead 
this great, peaceful people into war, into the most terrible 
and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to 
be in the balance. 

But the right. is more precious than peace, and we shall 
fight for the things which we have always carried nearest 
our hearts — for democracy, for the right of those who 
submit to authority to have a voice in their own govern- 
ments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a 
universal dominion of right by such a concert of free 
peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and 
make the world itself at last free. 

To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our for- 
tunes, everything that we are and everything that we 
have, with the pride of those who know that the day has 
come when America is privileged to spend her blood and 
her might for the principles that gave her birth and hap- 
piness and the peace which she has treasured. 

God helping her, she can do no other. 



97 



FLAG-DAY PROCLAMATION 

[1919] 

By His Excellency Calvin Coolidge, Governor of Massachusetts. 

WORKS which endure come from the soul of 
the people. The mighty in their pride walk 
alone to destruction. The humble walk hand 
in hand with Providence to immortality. 
Their works survive. When the people of the Colonies 
were defending their liberties against the might of kings, 
they chose their banner from the design set in the firma- 
ment through all eternity. The flags of the great em- 
pires of that day are gone, but the Stars and Stripes re- 
main. It pictures the vision of a people whose eyes were 
turned to the rising dawn. It represents the hope of a 
father for his posterity. It was never flaunted for the 
glory of royalty, but to be born under it is to be a child 
of a king, and to establish a home under it is to be the 
founder of a royal house. Alone of all flags it expresses 
the sovereignty of the people which endures when all else 
passes away. Speaking with their voice it has the sanc- 
tity of revelation. He who lives under it and is loyal to 
it is loyal to truth and justice everywhere. He who lives 
under it and is disloyal to it Is a traitor to the human 
race everywhere. What could be saved if the flag of 
the American Nation were to perish? 

In recognition of these truths and out of a desire born 
of a purpose to defend and perpetuate them, the Com- 
monwealth of Massachusetts has by ordinance decreed 
that for one day of each year their importance should be 
dwelt upon and remembered. Therefore, in accordance 

98 



with that authority, the anniversary of the adoption of the 
national flag, the 14th day of June next, is set apart as 

Flag Day 

and it is earnestly recommended that it be observed by 
the people of the Commonwealth by the display of the 
flag of our country and in all ways that may testify to 
their loyalty and perpetuate its glory. 



99 



W1S3 „ 



% /yM^>-. /^'^\ /^'J^i^^S ,/ 









^^ V^^'/ \*^^'\/ V^^'^aO^ \ 

•»: %/ '^"•. %.^* A"-. X/.-^^ 



<^*' . '^^^^ . \wms ,^^^ X -."^ 






^ /*'*'\ .^°^;^^^- .^<^^iA co^ 




*^7Vi' ,0 







■- **\-^:..\ co\^^.> w**.-^i.% / 






















' "--/ •^•. %^^ -ate- %-/ •' 




. . * A 























V c"*"'. ^J^. 



<> *'7VV» .< 



•^^ - • • • -\^ 

-^..»^ /,^>lfe\ V,.^^ -^.^A-. ■^-. .^^ /^ife--. 







^°''*^ 



!?-•*, 


















WERT n JV A N a <*_ A.^ 

BOOKBINDING II »Jr!L! % ^ ,-&.* 

^Sept Oct 1988 ft . r^ IT ia°l iiT ** **?:> 1* * 






._ v^PT^'" 



